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  1. This is Durga Kavach found in Sri Sarbloh Granth Ji. Does anyone know if any other bani (Kavach- related) exist? Thus far I'm aware of Brahm Kavach, Sarbloh Kavach and Ram Kavach. Are there any other Kavach type bani present in Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji, Sri Dasam Granth or Sri Sarbloh Granth?
  2. "ਵਿੱਦਿਆ ਦਾਤੇ ਦਸ਼ਮੇਸ਼, ਪ੍ਰਗਟੇ ਆਪ ਪ੍ਰਮੇਸ਼"। This is new nara formulated by Thakur Dalip Singh, please give review on picture and on above nara
  3. If I recall correctly, a few months ago I put up a post on this forum highlighting some of the discrepancies in the Suraj Prakash. A mod took it down because he felt it would offend a majority of the forum. I, however, feel that Sikh Sangat is not emulative of it's much maligned reputation i.e. a forum full of fanatics. In the latter spirit, then, I ask that can someone then explain the following passage from another traditional text- Chibber's Bansavalinamah: 'Kahan Singh Trehan from Goindwal and a descendent of Guruji. As a Sardar (chief) Sikh sat at the Bunga (Akal Bunga, Akal Takhat) himself. Sikhs came to the fair (organised by) local residents circumabulating (the Harimandar). A Sikh going in front of them met these Sikhs and embraced them. (4) These Sikhs also hugged him lovingly. They loved him very much. After hugging each other when they departed. Kahan Singh ji saw that particular sikh when all those Sikhs separated. (5) He (Kahan Singh) sent a man to bring that Sikh to him. Kahan Singh ji asked,”O Sikh! Which Sikh are you, what caste are you called by?” Sikh stood there hugely embarrassed. Then Singh ji again said,”What Sikh are you known as?” (6) Then he said, “Sir, I am a Mazhabi Sikh (a sikh originally from a low caste)”. Then Singh ji ordered those other Sikhs to be brought in as well immediately. Those local Sikhs all arrived, The ones who had embraced and hugged this other sikh lovingly. (7) (Singh ji) spoke thus, “Bhai Sikhs, do you know this sikh?” All those said.”Yes sir”. (Singh ji) spoke thus, “Which sikh is he, what is his caste?” They said, sir, landowner sikh and he is known as ‘Sandhu’ (8)(usually a jat surname but occasionally lower castes also may have this surname) Then he was asked in front of these Sikhs. “Bhai Sikh! What is your caste? He mentioned, ‘Mazhabi’ (sikh from low castes ) The local Sikhs were surprised on hearing this. These Sikhs said, “Sir, he has eaten food with us” (9) All of us Sikhs have served him food making him sit in our own kitchen. (persons of lower castes were not allowed to enter kitchen of higher caste persons) Food in (our) plate and water in the bowl was given to him to drink. This sikh (had) said ‘I am landowner sikh and am a local resident of Amritsar” All Sikhs have served him with food in their own homes one by one. (10) Singh ji asked (the ‘Mazhabi’ Sikh), “Why Bhai! Why did you do this?” He said,”Sir, I am sorry. I forgot (went astray)”. (Bhai Kahan Singh)Spake thus,”It is not you who forgot (went astry), it is these (Sikhs) who forgot (went astray). They only saw Guru’s insignia, didn’t see your body (person).” (11) Bhai Sikha! How could you forget? Why didn’t you check for your mother, father, brother, sister or relatives? Those in whose family you were born, grew up and had food together and socialise. How did you forget that (you are from that) family? (12) It is these Sikhs who got misled by just recognising Guru’s symbols. Why did you forget? You seem to be fairly knowledgable. You have done this intentionally. It is these Sikhs who got misled who saw only Guru’s symbols. (13) Following just the Guru’s symbols these Sikhs got misled. So that nobody may repeat this mistake (in the future). A barber was called and his hair were shaved. Making him sit on a donkey was taken around the town. (14) He was hanged by the side of Tunda Sar (a water pond ) And (Kahan Singh) asked this to the local resident Sikhs. “You arrange a Yag (a sacred purification Hindu worship), do Gurpurab, and prepare Parsad”. “You were misled by Guru’s symbols, so you are not stigmatised by this”. (15) “Do not talk about this in the township” “Keep the tenets of Sikhism in your mind”. “The Turks (muslim rulers) are eager to find faults lest some trouble arises” “There should not be any gossiping about this in the township at all”. (16) All the Sikhs said,”Sir, you did the right thing that you punished him”. None would repeat such a thing again. It created such a fear and respect for Sikhism. That even if someone dropped a thing somewhere, it would continue lying there, and no one would take it away. (17) (Fourteenth Chapter of “Bansavalinama Dasan Patshaheean Ka” “Genealogy of ten patshahis”) I don't claim any expertise on Sikh literature/historicity, but Chibber's narration does not fit in with an already established chronology regarding Baba Kahan Singh Ji. The Baba (let's get over his differences with Baba Banda Singh) is said to have catered to the lower castes and raised them to the levels of the higher castes. Initially I asked a Taksali Singh to explain this passage to me. The most he could say was that the text dealt with telling lies although it is evident that Baba Kahan Singh Ji, for Chibber, has the Singh executed for refusing to follow traditional Caste norms. Has the text been corrupted? Dr. Ganda Singh, utilizing the Suraj Prakash as a case study, had the following to say regarding the corruption of historic Sikh texts: 'Some writers allege that the reason for the rejection of Ram Rai was that he was born of a handmaid (Cunningham, p. 62). It would have been preposterous for him, as Narang says. to prefer this claim, if he had been born in that way. Really he had the same mother as Har Krishan. The story of Guru Har Rai having married seven wives, who were all sisters, is found only in one MS of Suraj Prakash and is written on unpaged leaves which are clearly an interpolation. Unfortunately this copy became the basis of the editions nowadays in vogue. Other copies mention only one marriage. Mahima Prakash, which is much older than this book, also mentions only one wife. See on this point the annotation of Bhai Vir Singh on Suraj Prakash.' -Dr. Ganda Singh, Baba Teja Singh; 'A Short History of the Sikhs,' vol. i, pg. 48. The mod in question informed me, last time, that the other thread would only be resurrected when he/she established the veracity of my post. Obviously by begging the question no veracity can be established much less manifested; I pray, then, that this thread be left open for some constructive debate on Sikh literature and/or it's authenticity on some points.
  4. I wonder if Gurdwaras could encourage or hold classes/sessions for those with health conditions or disabilities. What are your thoughts on this?
  5. Hemkund Sahib Trek

    Sangat Ji, Looking to hopefully maybe take a trek to Hemkund Sahib before my uni starts if Akaal wills, I tried looking up online for information on it but I can't seem to find any proper ones regarding fees and cost. Any help would be great.
  6. In one of the 52 commandments Guru Gobind Singh Ji left for the Sikhs he stated that a daughter of the Sikhs should only have her hand in marriage given to another Sikh family. But he did not say the same for Sikh sons for them only given to Sikhs for marriage. Why was this? This question is mainly for the liberal lefties to ponder on. Because to majority of learned and right thinking Sikhs he is clearly showing us how there is a difference between the genders when it comes to procreation and relationships. Sikh Men are like rocks in the ground they will usually stick to their reiligion. And Guru Ji knows the condition of men of all backgrounds are that they are tribal so its a given that sons will not let the Sikh side down. But most women are like sheep they will be lead to whatever religion their partner is a believer in. So if they are married off to non-sikhs then she will become that non-sikh and her offsping 9/10 times will be non-sikhs. For a pularistic faith like Sikhi it is especially dangerous for our demographics sake that Sikh women are raised in the belief that they only want to marry a fellow Sikh believer. We can see countless examples of non-abrahmic faith communities whose populations have been destroyed because they did not control their womens choice of partner. We can look at the kalaesh of northern pakistan who are almost extinct due to muslims converting their women and creating more muslims. We can see zoroesterian persians who had a huge mighty empire that used to invade other lands but now are no where to be found only small communities scattered around the world because muslims forced islam on them and bred with their women creating muslims only. Which is why we know muslims try their best to groom and convert kafir non-muslim women especially those who they view they are in war in to get 1 over the kufr. And if you ever seen a marriage between a girl from Sikh background to a non-sikh groom you will find most of the time the kids are born as non-sikhs. So there is no equality in nature & biology nor in Sikhi nor in most human soceities that want to exist and excel when it comes to relationships there are clear set out rules.
  7. Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh! I wanted to know why some people wear Kalgis on their wedding day, also a side-question; why shouldn't we wear a Kalgi if we are children of Guru Sahib, (since he's the highest king, and Kalgi is a sign of royalty)?
  8. I noticed this when I started doing a Sehaj Paht from a Dasam Granth Sahib online: "ਮੁਖ ਭਾਗ", "Mukha Bhaag", "Chapter"
  9. Guru Gobind Singh Ji was a Saint Soldier who sacrificed he's whole family fighting tyranny in north India during the late 17th century to early 18th century. "Recognise The Whole Human Race As One." Guru Gobind Singh Ji. The painting is by the talented young artist Inkquisitive. https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=10153228946930825&substory_index=0&id=163220440824&ref=bookmarks
  10. Can anyone explain what Chand Di Vaar is about? I tried looking at the meanings but it was still hard. (I appreciate anyone's assistance). I also posted this on Dasam Granth.
  11. Can anyone explain what Chand Di Vaar is about? I tried looking at the meanings but it was still hard. (I appreciate anyone's assistance).
  12. ਖ਼ਾਲਸਾ ਅਕਾਲ ਪ੝ਰਖ ਕੀ ਫ਼ੌਜ ॥ khhalasa akal purakh kee fauj Khalsa is God's army ਪ੝ਰਗਟਿਓ ਖ਼ਾਲਸਾ ਪ੝ਰਮਾਤਮ ਕੀ ਮੌਜ ॥ pragattiou khhalasa pramatham kee moj and it was created by His Will. Guru Gobind Singh ji Amrit keertan Ang 291 http://www.sikhsangat.com/index.php?/topic/8866-shabad-in-dasam-granth/
  13. This is a Punjabi Rap song called 'inqilab'. Which speaks the actual truth about unity among the people of South Asia & there is a quote n the beginning from Baba Guru Nanak. I was wondering if I would be able to share this song with others. The artist name is Hasaan Khan, please let me know. It is a very appropriate song about unity of our lands which is based on facts. Please if you do like the message of the song, do leave a feedback,subscription or thought. Peace~ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SkBO3jJndo0
  14. With Maharaj's Kirpa I aim to do more such pieces: http://tisarpanth.blogspot.co.nz/2015/08/guardians-of-gobind_16.html?view=magazine
  15. Sri Guru Gobind Singh Ji administered Amrit in front of thousands to the initial Panj Piarey and consecutive Amritdharis, so when did this practice of administering Amrit out of the sight of the sangat commence?
  16. so i do A level philosophy and im in a class with 3 other people. 2 athiests ans 1 agnostic. We do alot of political philosophy and we disscuss things like whether libery or equality should be core priorities of the state etc. its interesting but its hard to come up with one answer. so i was wondering what the sikh state would look like. the khalsa was formed to rule n save the world essentially and i tried to discuss this in my lesson which started a debate. i was arguing that our state would be one which instead of capitalism and money at its core would have spirituality. i was arguing for a society simmilar to platos philosopher king, with guru granth sahib ji mahraj at the top and the punj pyare as like the prime ministers. i argued that this state would be better than any other state because it places the enphsis on something internal (Dasam duar) rather than materalistic things like money, the athiests said that this would be a society which favorited the religious and we wouldnt be modernisng and going forward but going backwards, and that the spiritual people at the top (punj pyare) would become corrupt. but i said hat sikhi was different coz its an enclusive religion and wouldnt have a problem with any other belief system or faith or would not contradict anyone. also our ideology is to serve the world, we wouldnt be serving everyone by picking favorites but there were many pragmatic issues highligted to me with my conception of the sikh state this was only my interpritation of the sikh state with my limited knowledge of sikhi thru bhai jigraj singh ji and russell brand lol, i came across alot of practical issues that wouldnt be work in a complex society like todays. i wanted to know some more eeducated descriptions of how a sikh state would look as were proberbly gonna continue this debate in tomorows lesson lol thanks waheguru ji ka khalsa, waheguru ji ki fateh
  17. Tihar jail, Delhi – On the morning of 4th January 2015, a very special Gurpurb programme was held within the confines of Tihar Jail in New Delhi, to commemorate the parkash purab of Guru Gobind Singh. The Tihar complex is made up of a number of jails, each containing over 3,000 inmates. Among the Sikh political prisoners lodged in Tihar are Jagtar Singh Hawara, Parmjit Singh Bheora and Daya Singh Lahoria. Sikh prisoners are rarely allowed to hold a religious function, although other faiths regularly observe their own holy days. It requires a great deal of effort by the Sikh inmates to get the necessary go-ahead. But yesterday, all the inmates in one jail, regardless of their beliefs, were invited to a Kirtan diwan and to partake in the Guru ka Langar which was served afterwards, provided by the Delhi Gurdwara Parbhandak Committee. Apaardeep Singh (UK) and his jatha performed blissful kirtan and the final ardaas prayed for the unity and freedom of the Sikh nation. The Parshaad (blessed food) was distributed among the entire Tihar complex – including jail wardens and staff. Jagtar Singh Hawara addressed the Sangat for a few moments to commend the welfare provided by Sikh Relief (SOPW) and how it is a lifeline to those who find themselves imprisoned for their beliefs, to know that their families are being taken care of, while their own legal battle is fought on their behalf. Sikh Relief volunteer Sarbpreet Singh was granted permission to attend and among the others present were Manpreet Singh, Kuldeep Singh Batali and Mohinderpal Singh all from Akali Dal (Mann). Source: http://singhstation.net/2015/01/guru-gobind-singh-ji-gurpurab-celebrated-inside-tihar-jail/
  18. 52 Hukams

    Anyone have any background knowledge of the 52 Hukams? I know what they are but im looking for katha or just more information when where why how they were written..
  19. 52 Hukams

    Anyone have any background knowledge of the 52 Hukams? I know what they are but im looking for katha or just more information when where why how they were written..
  20. I was recently researching the history of Nanded (there is not much on it except in the 'Master's Presence') and decided to make a post about it. Here is the result: Hazoor Sahib and the Khalsa. 'Many people became martyrs there; and many houses for fakírs were erected in that place. Amidst them all, they erected a shrine over the Gurú[’s ashes], and, near his burying place, they made many other mausoleums and dharamsálas, and deposited Granth sáhibs in them. The name of that city, which was called Nader, was changed to Abchalnagar. In the present day, many Sikhs go there, and offer their oblations with much devotion. In that tomb, thousands of swords, shields, spears, and quoits, are to be found at all times; moreover the Sikhs, who go there, all worship those arms. The Sikhs believe this, that all those arms were formerly the property of Guru Govind Singh himself.' (1) One might enquire, where does the Khalsa reside in it's pristine form? The answer would inevitably be Hazoor Sahib, Nanded. One of the five sacrosanct religio-political medians, of the Khalsa, Hazoor Sahib possess a magnetic pull for the Khalsa. Devoid of the anglophonic reformism, which plagued it's North Indian counterparts, the shrine still boosts an extensive populace of Nihungs, Udasis and Nirmalas who otherwise have been effaced from their Punjabi strongholds. Despite it's prominence in the contemporary Khalsa's psyche, many adherents are still ignorant of it's multifarious historicity and often mistakenly categorise it as being the melting point between the Khalsa and other anachronistic traditions. The Akali-Nihungs believe it to be the prototypical locus of Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji. The esteemed Nihung pedagogue, Mahant Trliochan Singh Ji holds Nanded to be the original birthplace of the Guru before he manifested the Khalsa. Going by him, one understands that the Guru originally meditated on the divine Akal-Purakh, here, before migrating to the lofty peaks of Hemkunt. Subsequently he merged himself into the supreme consciousness before being dispatched to creation in the form of Guru Gobind Singh Ji. After exhausting Aurangzeb's nefarious crusade against him, the Guru was approached by the latter's son, Bahadur Shah, for assistance. Realizing that the latter was weaker than his incendiary predecessor, the Guru agreed to aid him knowing that Shah's victory would grant the Khalsa a temporary relieve. Thus he set about mediating between the Shah and his foes and/or engaging them in the spirit of an ubiquitous peace. Penultimately he journeyed with his newfound ally to Nanded, where the latter decided to subdue his rebellious sibling Kam Baksh. 'After seeking the Guru’s advice on what to do next in the face of the challenge from his brother, Kam Baksh, Bahadur Shah arranged to take his army towards Hyderabad. The route took them through Nanded on the banks of the River Godavari where they halted for several days. While the emperor moved off to continue his campaign, the Guru remained at Nanded to consider his plans.' (2) Subsequently the Guru decided to reside in Nanded, diverting from Shah who by now claimed the title of undisputed emperor of India. 'Guru Gobind Singh arrived at Nanded with all the majesty of a regional Rajput court. In his entourage were 300 heavily armed Akali-Nihang warriors and a stately retinue bustling with mendicants, poets, scholars, musicians, cooks and scribes. He camped, as he always did while travelling from place to place, about a mile outside the town.' (3) Here, he set about finalising the Sri Sarbloh Granth and preparing Akali-Nihung Binod Singh, and Banda Singh Bahadur, for a political and socially oriented conflict in the Punjab. In 1708 A.D. the Guru consecrated the Adi Guru Granth Sahib Ji as his perpetual successor and journeyed to his final abode. Subsequently a mass portion of his companions left to join Banda, in the Punjab, or seek residence in other sub-continental regions. A handful however elected to stay behind, under the aegis of Akali-Nihung Santokh Singh Ji who, 'raised an unadorned stone platform (‘chabootra’) over the mound' (4) where the Guru had been cremated. In time his fledgling band was swelled by erudite scholars (the Nirmalas), passionate advocates (the Udasis) and other Nihungs. Acknowledging the need of a Pater familias, Santokh Singh in due time commenced with electing a singular heir, to succeed him, a tradition which continues even contemporarily. The deleterious inclinations of the regional Muslim populace was soon answered via a new strategy, construed by the Nihungs. Their counterparts in the Punjab would often elect a battalion, which would then for a specified period camp in the grounds of Hazoor Sahib and safeguard both the shrine and the local Khalsa populace. (5) By 1770 A.D. a weakening Afghani influence, and military under the command of Ahmad Shah Abdali, boosted several new powers onto the sub-continent's political scene. The Sikhs were plausibly the most deviant amongst them, owing to the fact that their political system boosted several varied nation states knit in a loose confederacy. Amandeep Madra, digresses from the popular doxa that this was an advantageous system, instead citing, 'in spite of the Khalsa’s initially successful revolution to overthrow the Mughal government in Punjab, their mission faced a major setback following a split in their ranks.' (6) The Khalsa, in Nanded, had managed to escape the worst of the Islamic offensive against their Punjabi brethren but faced a dire osmosis themselves. It was during the latter period that a new champion emerged. In an era where Sikhs such as Kaura Mal (a Nanakpanthi) rose to great prominence, another unsung hero Chandu Lal himself was beginning to enjoy ascending stardom. The latter was an accountant for the Nizams of Hyderabad, whose territory incorporated Nanded, and became the elect representative of his people. Lal's political strategy was based on a model of evolution, emulation and adoption; thus ensuring his perpetual prominence in state affairs. This was to serve him well in the coming era. Penultimately Sikander Jhah ascended the Hyderabadi throne amongst much strife in 1803 A.D.. With both the British and Marathas vying for dominance in the greater part of India, he faced internal factionalism and rebellion. Realizing that Hyderabad's respite, from Maratha dominance, would swiftly end in the face of his inaction Jhah summoned Lal. Acknowledging his own parochialism, Jhah requested Lal to summon aid from Ranjit Singh. The Sikh emperor of the Punjab. Prior to 1803, two Sikh diplomats had already established an alliance of goodwill with Hyderabad and Jhah wanted to expand upon it. Thus, with his agreement, Chandu Lal deputed an emissary to the Punjab and ask Singh for assistance. The latter however proved more obfuscating than initially thought. He demanded that Jhah grant him expressive permission to build a Sikh centre in Nanded, incorporating Hazoor Sahib, and the monarchy ensure the paramount safety of all Sikh pilgrims. Jhah readily acquiesced fearing the looming rebel threat and Ranjit Singh dispatched a 12,000 strong brigade to assist his forces. Amongst the latter, the Akali-Nihungs rapidly became famed as an effective policing force. Their stern mindedness, and radical loyalty ensured a swift quelling of any mutineers. The consequence of these Nihungs can be garnered from the fact that they were paid 10 Rupees in wage, whereas their Arab and Rulhia counterparts were paid only five and six Rupees respectively. (7) Meanwhile another decisive episode was playing out in Hyderabad. The British eradication of the Marathas, in 1817 A.D., allowed them the opportunity to form coalitions with many newly independent fiefdoms. Dispatching envoys to the Nizam they were delighted to learn that Lal would readily acquiesce to their presence. But the Governor-General's agent, Metcalfe, was not so readily brought to the notion. 'Governor-General Lord Hastings pointed out his pivotal role to Metcalfe: "I feared that, in your dissatisfaction at not finding in ChundooLal so perfect an instrument as you wished, you had overlooked the deep engagement of the Government to uphold him." Metcalfe was not impressed with his government’s compromising position.' (8) Metcalfe's disdain, it seems, stemmed from several facts amongst them being Ranjit Singh's blockading of British expansion in the Punjab. Simultaneously Chandu Lal's employment of the Akali-Nihungs, in the state militia, did not curry him favour in the agent's eyes. Reports from Punjab perpetually reiterated the inflammatory nature of these men and cautioned Europeans from approaching them. Lal employed 2,000 of them in his cavalry, and a further 2,310 as infantry. (9) Metcalfe was plausibly one of the initial individuals to acknowledge Hazoor Sahib as a threat, especially if the British were to engage Ranjit Singh to the north. The Nihungs, despite being alien from Singh, nonetheless possessed a patriotic undercurrent and could effortlessly engage British forces in a costly war which could potentially alienate Hyderabad from the ubiquitous colonial spectrum. The regional British resident, Colonel James Fraser, also identified the Nihungs and the mainstream Sikh populace as a threat although his brief was diluted by his close relations with local Sikh leaders. Whilst Nanded continued to flourish as an ambivalent British bastion, events to the North-West of the sub-continent manifested new and grim realities. On 27th June, 1839 A.D., an ailing Ranjit Singh finally died ending a four decade inhibition on British expansionism. His chosen successor, Kharak Singh proved to be acutely maladroit and several different Princes and factions laid claim to the throne. Overnight, Punjab had become an unrestrained space. An element which the British could not tolerate. Conquered territories, under Sikh rule, commenced expressing malcontent but the British elected to play a waiting game. A strong-willed successor could easily restore the Sikh empire's prominence and prowess but would the latter be cordial to the British? Would he/she allow British penetration towards the North-Western frontier? Whilst these dubieties plagued the British, Fraser concluded his brief and submitted it to the Nizam the following year. Initially landing on Chandu Lal's desk, the latter processed it through the bureaucratic framework. The result? 'Fraser's Sikh report was kept pending for several years.' (10) Lal was fast becoming a British antagonist, but would this new course serve him well in the coming era? Only time would tell. (Continued in the 'Nihungs of Nanded, Hazoor Sahib and the Khalsa Part II'). Sources: (1) Accessed from: https://www.facebook.com/photo.phpfbid=466081230104924&set=a.196886630357720.48096.196229850423398&type=1&theater (2) ibid. (3) Accessed from: https://www.facebook.com/photo.phpfbid=466481280064919&set=a.196886630357720.48096.196229850423398&type=1&theater (4) ibid. (5) Accessed from: https://www.facebook.com/photo.phpfbid=466903703356010&set=a.196886630357720.48096.196229850423398&type=1&theater (6) Accessed from: https://www.facebook.com/photo.phpfbid=467316379981409&set=a.196886630357720.48096.196229850423398&type=1&theater (7) Accessed from: http://www.<banned site filter activated>/htmls/article_samparda_hazoori2.html (8) Accessed from: https://www.facebook.com/photo.phpfbid=468144949898552&set=a.196886630357720.48096.196229850423398&type=1&theater (9) Accessed from: https://www.facebook.com/photo.phpfbid=468538873192493&set=a.196886630357720.48096.196229850423398&type=1&theater (10) Accessed from: https://www.facebook.com/photo.phpfbid=469409606438753&set=a.196886630357720.48096.196229850423398&type=1&theater Original article: http://tisarpanth.blogspot.co.nz/2014/07/in-nanded-we-reside.html?view=magazine Please like Tisarpanth on facebook for more content.
  21. I am not contending against the positive, and negative, factions here regarding the manifestation of the Devi by Guru Gobind Singh Ji. What I would like to offer is a fresh perspective on this event and analyse it's plausible evolution. Please read my article before commenting. Thank you! I am colouring in all the quotes and important bits. Kalika at the Anandpur Court. The dual forms of Kalika, as a puritanical mother and pristine warrior, amalgamated in a sixteenth century India to birth a third more socio-political form, that of Goddess granting sovereignty. The latter perception emerged during a troubled milieu. Perpetual invasions, of the sub-continent, had reduced it's Aboriginals to the status of slaves trampled under the military foot of Islamic conquerors. Kalika's mythos, as a penultimate resort of salvation, endeared her to the indigenous monarchy which adopted her as a tool to measure their own right to reign and successes. Yet the question remained, who would this political Goddess elect to subdue and expel the Mohammedan foe? It was a significant query not lost on Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, who decided to utilise it for the Khalsa and the latter's political pursuits. Evolving exegetical perceptions, in historic and contemporary Khalsa politics, have played a crucial role in shaping the standard outlook on many traditional aspects of the latter. As Purnima Dhavan elucidates, 'while the narrative content of the recent Sikh past appears to achieve a more concrete narrative by the end of the 18th century, the meanings derived from this past occupied a contested terrain as the exegetical traditions within Sikhism became diverse.' (1) Kalika is an adroit example of the latter citation. Fenech contends that the Kalika, for the Khalsa, was initially not a spiritual metaphor but a political aide. In this he is supported by Alison Busch and Robin Rhinehart. Both scholars contend that the adoption of Kalika, in the court and works of Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, was a political manoeuvre calculated to preserve his own patrimony and also empower his fiefdom. Busch affirms that the origins of the Khalsa-Kalika relationship lie in the Guru's adoption of a courtly ethic. He wanted to connect his court with that of the Mughal-Rajput courts not only in grandeur but also fashion. Despite the Guru's articulation of a distinct ethos, from that of both Islam and Hinduism, he was an ardent celebrator of his pluralistic heritage; and employed it arbitrarily. Fenech believes that the latter enabled him to, 'reassure them (the local inhabitants) that while the Sikhs, and their Guru, articulated a different dharmic-or religious- and ideological vision... they were nevertheless sensitive to local tradition...' (2) Thus, in such a milieu, he (the Guru) set about adopting and re-designing local traditions and customs to fit in with Khalsa dictums. The celebration of Diwalia, and Dusshera, evidence this but there was also another social reason for this. A distinct populace, of the Guru's own apostles were drawn from amongst the agrarian Jats. The latter, an agriculturalist class, often engaged the neighbouring Rajputs in violent combat over ideological and territorial matters. Ratan Singh Bhangu evidences the latter, in his Prachin Panth Prakash, when he cites the Guru's refusal to unite his Kingly neighbours and lead them against the Islamic tyrant. Instead, as per Bhangu, he decides to re-structure the militant mentality of the Jats, and Shudras, and bestow sovereignty upon them. (3) This affirmation of suzerainty orbited one pivotal complication. How to convince the oppressed peasants that they were regal material? How to eradicate an almost centuries-old psyche that they were nothing more than the dredges of a radical religiosity? To this end the Guru adopted Kalika. His neighbouring domains were ringed with temples paying obeisance to the Goddess. Each structure depicted it's patron receiving a sword from the Goddess herself, affirming the his right to reign over his wards. She was well ingrained in the minds of his apostles, and to this end the Akali-Nihung re-birthed her legend for his own purposes. Busch notes that the Dasam, and Sarbloh, Granths' employ Kalika in a metaphorical capacity. Microscopic attention is paid to her battles, but in a major contrast to simultaneous renderings, the works of the Guru depict no reverential undertone towards the Goddess. For him she is nothing more than another warrior, attempting to restore a semblance of peace to the divided heavens. It was the link between Kalika and sovereignty, which served the Guru so well, that lead to Udasi Sukkha Singh proclaiming, 'an immense effort was expanded in procuring the presence of Kalika. No sight of her manifestation could be obtained. In this current milieu of degeneracy, no other group at the time had made her appear within the world other than the Khalsa.' (3) This manifestation of the Kalika is an event not located in either the Dasam Granth, the Sarbloh Granth or even the Sri Gur Sobha despite the latter's utilisation of Kalika. Thus, it is proper to conclude that the event is not a creation or even occurrence of the Guru era. Post-Guru era texts such as the Gurbilas series, Chibber's Bansavalinama and other biographies are however replete with the incident. Anne Murphy elucidates upon this variation, 'later Gurbilas texts (attributed to Koer Singh) include Kesar Singh Chibber's Bansavalinama, feature an organizational structure... features strong mythological content and a clearer sense, appropriate to it's time of composition, of political sovereignty in relation to the Mughal state and other smaller Hindu Kings from the Punjab hills.' (4) It is the conclusive element, of her statement, which exegesis the evolving Khalsa-Kalika relationship. Amalgamated with indigenous culture, these later authors wished to provide an indigenous backdrop for the Khalsa's right to sovereignty. Thus Kalika, the divine mother of sovereignty, was employed. Even this metaphorical tale, however, weathered an evolution. It's ultimate form, by the dawn of the nineteenth century, read as an affront to Brahmin orthodoxy. Chibber's rendition of the incident is as follows: -The Akali-Nihung is contacted by Brahmins who come to know his plans to manifest the Khalsa. They ask him to join their Havan, and assist in manifesting Kalika to aid him. - The Akali-Nihung readily agrees, but once atop Naina-Devi proves the falsity of their beliefs and instead summons a much rawer, much aggressive form of Kalika. -This form bestows him with a cleaver, and assures him that she will lend his Khalsa the support it requires to uproot the Mughals. -Subsequently, in his exegesis of Uggardanti, he alludes 'the panth was manifested to uproot the Turks (Muslims).' (5) His account, amongst others, evidences several points amongst them being: 1.) Early Khalsa historians were often adept at utilising local, and national, myths to justify their own right to prowess. 2.) The myth of Kalika's manifestation, despite being ambiguous, is also figurative. Chibber, and his companions, wished to depict to their Hindu counterparts that the Khalsa had more of a right to reign than them after the Islamic invader was expelled. Thus Sukkha Singh's proclamation, '...no other group at the time had made her appear within the world other than the Khalsa.' (6) 3.) These writers often perceived themselves as being sub-continental traditionalists and utilised this factor in their works. Their land was the abode of Dharma, and as such was sacrosanct for it's content. In the words of Rhinehart, 'the goddess (Kalika) is something of an outsider to the Hindu pantheon; when the Gods are in trouble, she is the option of last resort, a fierce fighter, a protector. She stands somewhat apart from the social order of the Gods, but is ready to step in when needed... This is not unlike the way some Sikhs came to see themselves. Fighters and defenders of Indian culture, but not exactly within the Hindu fold.' (7) 4.) This event became an opiate, and a justification, for the peasantry's revolt under the Khalsa. Utilising sub-continental myths, the Khalsa promised to engineer an era emulating that of Ram-Chandra and Krishna; demi-gods who ruled as mortals and assured perfectness. Kalika became an important component of this vision, as it was with her blessings that both Ram-Chandra and Krishna achieved their reigns; and the Khalsa would too. The conclusive say on the matter however remains the Akali-Nihung's. For him sovereignty, in figurative terms, was bestowed upon that individual who was a possessor of prowess and a master of war. Thus one finds him saying, in theSri Bhagauti Astotar, 'grant this blessing of suzerainty to I your slave. Always protect me the Guru, Shah (an imperial title), Gobind!' (8) For him Kalika was ever-present in the form of the sword, and as such a perpetual verification of his right to reign. His later apostles would re-vamp this vision to achieve a fine balance between indigenous mythology, and historic justification. As Murphy contends, Chibber and Koer Singh were not hampered by European notions of time and thus wove myth, religion and reality into one semblance. (9) But it is Dhavan who retains the conclusive say on the matter. Busch pinpoints the political appeal of Kalika, citing that the latter was misinterpreted to say that, 'the Guru reverenced the Goddess.' (10) But the exegetical variation is highlighted by Dhavan who so readily contends, '...the meanings derived from this past occupied (and still occupy) a contested terrain as the exegetical traditions within Sikhism became diverse!' (11) Sources: (1) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 93-94. (2) Fenech E. Louis; (2013) The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 5-6. (3) ibid, pg. 6. (4) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 92-93. (5) Accessed from http://sikh-reality.blogspot.co.nz/2010/04/bansavalinama-ugardanthi-explanation.html (6) Fenech E. Louis; (2013) The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 6. (7) ibid pg. 7. (8) Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, Sri Bhagauti Astotar, Dasam Granth. (This Bani is omitted in modern Dasam Granth publications under the aegis of the SGPC). (9) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 94-95. (10) Fenech E. Louis; (2013) The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 7. (11) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 93-94.
  22. Erudite scholars of the Dasam Granth, and Sri Sarbloh Granth, have concluded that Kali plays an important role in both scriptures. She is a metaphor for associating femininity with the Akal. In this article I hope to highlight the societal, and familial factors which convinced Guru Gobind Singh Ji to utilise Kali in his works. The Dasam Granth residences a plethora of mystical-cum-spiritual metaphors which are fecund spectres of an ubiquitous vision. One such spectre is that of Kali, the dark Goddess. Evolving from a primeval genesis, Kali is presently a household deity amongst the sub-continent's denizens. Possessing a bloody historicity, to rival that of the Mexica pantheon, Kali for the Khalsa is not a reverential deity but a figurative utility for it's femininity. The often bloody historicity of the Khalsa has marginalized it's feminism, in pursuit of a more hyper-masculine monomania. Despite it's Gurus' emphasis on gender equivocalism, the latter principle is found ardently lacking in practice. Even today the pseudo-inter religious governing body, the SGPC, veto's women from performing Kirtan in the cardinal Darbar Sahib. A similar strain is also visible in the collective Sikh psyche of today. Despite acknowledging the existence of a formless God in their ethos, they will still opt for a more patricentric God in an emulation of Semitism. Ironically this is a notion which directly contradicts the feminism invoked in the Dasam Granth. To understand why the Dasam Granth utilises Kali, to showcase femininity, one has to understand the historic milieu orbiting it's creation. Authored by Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, it was written at a time when the societal segregation of Hinduism was at it's peak, and subsequent Islamic invasions had divided sub-continental society in believer and non-believe. The elite strata, of Hinduism, had escaped the greater Islamic penchant for persecution via allying themselves with the Mughal dynasty. Approving the latter course, the Mughal nucleus had readily allowed the latter a constrained practice of their faith. Summarily the nadir strata of Hinduism now faced two dangers. The orthodox hegemony lead by the fanatical Brahmins, or religious clerics, and the whims of Islamic radicals. Simultaneously the Brahmins restrained the performance and observance of religiosity to themselves and their male hierarchy, whilst forbidding women and the servile classes from emulating them. In the periods which followed the servile classes, and women, were slowly deprived of their deities, until penultimately Kali was left. Kali herself was perceived as being an ostracised deity by the Brahmins. Born during a mythical era of warfare, her figurative symbolism had been lost through the ages until ultimately her figure was defined in numerous modes. For the ostracised layers of Hinduism she represented a sporadic escape, an hearkening to an era where she would manifest and slaughter the malesh (filth) plaguing them. Her persona spoke volumes to the Guru who not only wanted to parent a distinct socio-religious parcel but also uplift the proletariat regardless of the latter's allegiances, associations and beliefs. Decrying her worship, he nonetheless adopted her as a clandestine metaphor for his literary works. Kali's spectral prowess over death was employed by him to depict the maternal aspect of the Akal, or the deathless entity. Simultaneously her ability to consume time was another element which he favoured and aligned with the Akal who fluidly exists over time and it's offshoots. Other factors, which were pivotal, in the Guru's adoption of Kali are found in his own life and hierarchy. Wendy Doniger argues that 'other people's myths' assist one in bettering one's own persona and traits. These 'other myths' provide an anti-inertial, and diverse, balance in one's understanding of one's own life and environment. The Khalsa Gurus' resided during a time when the folklore of Hinduism was a sub-continental phenomena, thus to assist their apostles in understanding their own unique dictums they employed well-recognised and known figures to assist them. His predecessor's anti-inertial devices were not lost on the Guru, who also forwarded the latter tradition. Secondly, despite his masculine attributes and generalship he was also close to feminism himself. His father had been executed by the fanatical Aurangzeb, and he had been left in the care of a mother who had acted as a decisive vizier for him in his early years. His own grandfather, Guru Hargobind Sahib Ji, had also deputed his wife and mother as his regents when he himself was imprisoned by the Mughals. Thus his family had seen a balance between male and female paradigms, a course not lost on him. Thirdly he employed a sublime figure. Kali is not overly beauteous, but nor was her role as an embodiment of warfare. Acknowledging this reality, the Guru added her to his own growing repertoire of literal arsenals. Fourthly Kali, for the Guru, became a stereotypical element of his own war against the contemporaneous polity. The dark, almost devilish, goddess wars against injustice in order to liberate her pantheist brethren. Simultaneously the Guru also uplifted the servile out castes of his milieu and armed them to fight the tyranny inflicted upon them. In Kali he found a kindred spirit and acknowledged this element in his writings. Fourthly the Guru gifted a parental Kali to the embryonic Khalsa. For him the purity of a female was beyond doubt, and the Khalsa too would have to imbue the same spirit in order to wage it's perpetual war against abibek. Conclusively, for the Guru, Kali became an integrative element of his revitalising of society. The fact that he could envision a female wielding a sword depicts the importance of both masculinity and femininity in human society. In the post-Guru era, Khalsa women would foster a strong tradition of warrior-dom and leadership. Mata Bhag Kaur, the Guru-mother's Mata Sahib Kaur and Sundar Kaur, Sada Kaur, Rani Jind Kaur are only few of the names which come to mind when acknowledging the matriarchal aspect of Khalsa historicity. Thus one cane easily summarise that for the Guru, Kali was a multi-faceted deity which he employed for anti-inertial and figurative upliftment. http://tisarpanth.blogspot.co.nz/2014/05/why-kali.html?view=magazine
  23. Poh Sudi 7, Nanakshahi Sammat 545 (7 January 2014) ਸਾਹਿਬ-ਏ-ਕਮਾਲ ਸ੍ਰੀ ਗੁਰੂ ਗੋਬਿੰਦ ਸਿੰਘ ਜੀ ਮਹਾਰਾਜ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਕਾਸ਼ ਗੁਰਪੁਰਬ ਦੀ ਲੱਖ ਲੱਖ ਵਧਾਈ Many Greetings on the occasion of Prakash Purab of Sahib-e-Kamal Sri Guru Gobind Singh Ji Maharaj Click on the banner and listen to Dasam Bani
  24. http://dailysikhupdates.com/2013/09/19/pictures-of-guru-gobind-singh-ji-hung-in-a-bar-in-california-sikhs-outraged/ http://dailysikhupdates.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/Screen-Shot-2013-09-25-at-11.32.05-AM.png As of late Thursday night pictures of Sikh Gurus continue to be hung inside the “Maharaja Room” of Pikey Bar. United Sikhs representative Karam Grewal spoke to the manager of the bar Hallelujah Walcott, who told him that the portraits would be removed “very soon.” However, no definite timeline was established. Karam Grewal of United Sikhs was quoted telling India-West Magazine: “Our religion is very against drinking. Hanging pictures of our guru where people are drinking is very disrespectful,” Karam Grewal, told India-West Magazine. “Images of Guru Gobind Singh are only found in gurdwaras or in private homes,” the Indian American said, adding that Pikey has tried to create an Indo-British feel to its Maharaja room, where portraits of maharajahs hang alongside pictures of Sikh saints. “They’re being passive aggressive. They have said they will take them down, but have not told us when. They realize that they have hurt a lot of people, but they’re not doing anything about it,” she said, adding that Pikey’s managers should close that part of the restaurant or at least cover the portraits until the matter is settled. Another Publication called WEHOville spoke to the Manager of Pikey’s Bar Noam Rubin regarding the removal of the pictures, the manager said Pikey’s is waiting for replacement paintings to arrive. The bar is owned by New York hotelier Sean MachPherson whose net worth is estimated at 800 Million dollars according to India West Magazine. Committed, Inc. is the company the Bar is under which Owns eight restaurants in Southern California and a number of hotels in New York. United Sikhs have asked the owner to donate the portraits to a local Gurdwara after removal.
  25. "Shri Guru Gobind Singh Ji Weapons display" Weapons have traditionally played an important role in Sikh religious practice and Sikh history. here is some display of weapons of shri Guru Gobind singh ji which is placed in Anandpur Sahib