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  1. In one of the 52 commandments Guru Gobind Singh Ji left for the Sikhs he stated that a daughter of the Sikhs should only have her hand in marriage given to another Sikh family. But he did not say the same for Sikh sons for them only given to Sikhs for marriage. Why was this? This question is mainly for the liberal lefties to ponder on. Because to majority of learned and right thinking Sikhs he is clearly showing us how there is a difference between the genders when it comes to procreation and relationships. Sikh Men are like rocks in the ground they will usually stick to their reiligion. And Guru Ji knows the condition of men of all backgrounds are that they are tribal so its a given that sons will not let the Sikh side down. But most women are like sheep they will be lead to whatever religion their partner is a believer in. So if they are married off to non-sikhs then she will become that non-sikh and her offsping 9/10 times will be non-sikhs. For a pularistic faith like Sikhi it is especially dangerous for our demographics sake that Sikh women are raised in the belief that they only want to marry a fellow Sikh believer. We can see countless examples of non-abrahmic faith communities whose populations have been destroyed because they did not control their womens choice of partner. We can look at the kalaesh of northern pakistan who are almost extinct due to muslims converting their women and creating more muslims. We can see zoroesterian persians who had a huge mighty empire that used to invade other lands but now are no where to be found only small communities scattered around the world because muslims forced islam on them and bred with their women creating muslims only. Which is why we know muslims try their best to groom and convert kafir non-muslim women especially those who they view they are in war in to get 1 over the kufr. And if you ever seen a marriage between a girl from Sikh background to a non-sikh groom you will find most of the time the kids are born as non-sikhs. So there is no equality in nature & biology nor in Sikhi nor in most human soceities that want to exist and excel when it comes to relationships there are clear set out rules.
  2. Sangat Ji, Looking to hopefully maybe take a trek to Hemkund Sahib before my uni starts if Akaal wills, I tried looking up online for information on it but I can't seem to find any proper ones regarding fees and cost. Any help would be great.
  3. Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh! I wanted to know why some people wear Kalgis on their wedding day, also a side-question; why shouldn't we wear a Kalgi if we are children of Guru Sahib, (since he's the highest king, and Kalgi is a sign of royalty)?
  4. I noticed this when I started doing a Sehaj Paht from a Dasam Granth Sahib online: "ਮੁਖ ਭਾਗ", "Mukha Bhaag", "Chapter"
  5. Guru Gobind Singh Ji was a Saint Soldier who sacrificed he's whole family fighting tyranny in north India during the late 17th century to early 18th century. "Recognise The Whole Human Race As One." Guru Gobind Singh Ji. The painting is by the talented young artist Inkquisitive.
  6. Can anyone explain what Chand Di Vaar is about? I tried looking at the meanings but it was still hard. (I appreciate anyone's assistance). I also posted this on Dasam Granth.
  7. Can anyone explain what Chand Di Vaar is about? I tried looking at the meanings but it was still hard. (I appreciate anyone's assistance).
  8. ਖ਼ਾਲਸਾ ਅਕਾਲ ਪ੝ਰਖ ਕੀ ਫ਼ੌਜ ॥ khhalasa akal purakh kee fauj Khalsa is God's army ਪ੝ਰਗਟਿਓ ਖ਼ਾਲਸਾ ਪ੝ਰਮਾਤਮ ਕੀ ਮੌਜ ॥ pragattiou khhalasa pramatham kee moj and it was created by His Will. Guru Gobind Singh ji Amrit keertan Ang 291
  9. I am not contending against the positive, and negative, factions here regarding the manifestation of the Devi by Guru Gobind Singh Ji. What I would like to offer is a fresh perspective on this event and analyse it's plausible evolution. Please read my article before commenting. Thank you! I am colouring in all the quotes and important bits. Kalika at the Anandpur Court. The dual forms of Kalika, as a puritanical mother and pristine warrior, amalgamated in a sixteenth century India to birth a third more socio-political form, that of Goddess granting sovereignty. The latter perception emerged during a troubled milieu. Perpetual invasions, of the sub-continent, had reduced it's Aboriginals to the status of slaves trampled under the military foot of Islamic conquerors. Kalika's mythos, as a penultimate resort of salvation, endeared her to the indigenous monarchy which adopted her as a tool to measure their own right to reign and successes. Yet the question remained, who would this political Goddess elect to subdue and expel the Mohammedan foe? It was a significant query not lost on Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, who decided to utilise it for the Khalsa and the latter's political pursuits. Evolving exegetical perceptions, in historic and contemporary Khalsa politics, have played a crucial role in shaping the standard outlook on many traditional aspects of the latter. As Purnima Dhavan elucidates, 'while the narrative content of the recent Sikh past appears to achieve a more concrete narrative by the end of the 18th century, the meanings derived from this past occupied a contested terrain as the exegetical traditions within Sikhism became diverse.' (1) Kalika is an adroit example of the latter citation. Fenech contends that the Kalika, for the Khalsa, was initially not a spiritual metaphor but a political aide. In this he is supported by Alison Busch and Robin Rhinehart. Both scholars contend that the adoption of Kalika, in the court and works of Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, was a political manoeuvre calculated to preserve his own patrimony and also empower his fiefdom. Busch affirms that the origins of the Khalsa-Kalika relationship lie in the Guru's adoption of a courtly ethic. He wanted to connect his court with that of the Mughal-Rajput courts not only in grandeur but also fashion. Despite the Guru's articulation of a distinct ethos, from that of both Islam and Hinduism, he was an ardent celebrator of his pluralistic heritage; and employed it arbitrarily. Fenech believes that the latter enabled him to, 'reassure them (the local inhabitants) that while the Sikhs, and their Guru, articulated a different dharmic-or religious- and ideological vision... they were nevertheless sensitive to local tradition...' (2) Thus, in such a milieu, he (the Guru) set about adopting and re-designing local traditions and customs to fit in with Khalsa dictums. The celebration of Diwalia, and Dusshera, evidence this but there was also another social reason for this. A distinct populace, of the Guru's own apostles were drawn from amongst the agrarian Jats. The latter, an agriculturalist class, often engaged the neighbouring Rajputs in violent combat over ideological and territorial matters. Ratan Singh Bhangu evidences the latter, in his Prachin Panth Prakash, when he cites the Guru's refusal to unite his Kingly neighbours and lead them against the Islamic tyrant. Instead, as per Bhangu, he decides to re-structure the militant mentality of the Jats, and Shudras, and bestow sovereignty upon them. (3) This affirmation of suzerainty orbited one pivotal complication. How to convince the oppressed peasants that they were regal material? How to eradicate an almost centuries-old psyche that they were nothing more than the dredges of a radical religiosity? To this end the Guru adopted Kalika. His neighbouring domains were ringed with temples paying obeisance to the Goddess. Each structure depicted it's patron receiving a sword from the Goddess herself, affirming the his right to reign over his wards. She was well ingrained in the minds of his apostles, and to this end the Akali-Nihung re-birthed her legend for his own purposes. Busch notes that the Dasam, and Sarbloh, Granths' employ Kalika in a metaphorical capacity. Microscopic attention is paid to her battles, but in a major contrast to simultaneous renderings, the works of the Guru depict no reverential undertone towards the Goddess. For him she is nothing more than another warrior, attempting to restore a semblance of peace to the divided heavens. It was the link between Kalika and sovereignty, which served the Guru so well, that lead to Udasi Sukkha Singh proclaiming, 'an immense effort was expanded in procuring the presence of Kalika. No sight of her manifestation could be obtained. In this current milieu of degeneracy, no other group at the time had made her appear within the world other than the Khalsa.' (3) This manifestation of the Kalika is an event not located in either the Dasam Granth, the Sarbloh Granth or even the Sri Gur Sobha despite the latter's utilisation of Kalika. Thus, it is proper to conclude that the event is not a creation or even occurrence of the Guru era. Post-Guru era texts such as the Gurbilas series, Chibber's Bansavalinama and other biographies are however replete with the incident. Anne Murphy elucidates upon this variation, 'later Gurbilas texts (attributed to Koer Singh) include Kesar Singh Chibber's Bansavalinama, feature an organizational structure... features strong mythological content and a clearer sense, appropriate to it's time of composition, of political sovereignty in relation to the Mughal state and other smaller Hindu Kings from the Punjab hills.' (4) It is the conclusive element, of her statement, which exegesis the evolving Khalsa-Kalika relationship. Amalgamated with indigenous culture, these later authors wished to provide an indigenous backdrop for the Khalsa's right to sovereignty. Thus Kalika, the divine mother of sovereignty, was employed. Even this metaphorical tale, however, weathered an evolution. It's ultimate form, by the dawn of the nineteenth century, read as an affront to Brahmin orthodoxy. Chibber's rendition of the incident is as follows: -The Akali-Nihung is contacted by Brahmins who come to know his plans to manifest the Khalsa. They ask him to join their Havan, and assist in manifesting Kalika to aid him. - The Akali-Nihung readily agrees, but once atop Naina-Devi proves the falsity of their beliefs and instead summons a much rawer, much aggressive form of Kalika. -This form bestows him with a cleaver, and assures him that she will lend his Khalsa the support it requires to uproot the Mughals. -Subsequently, in his exegesis of Uggardanti, he alludes 'the panth was manifested to uproot the Turks (Muslims).' (5) His account, amongst others, evidences several points amongst them being: 1.) Early Khalsa historians were often adept at utilising local, and national, myths to justify their own right to prowess. 2.) The myth of Kalika's manifestation, despite being ambiguous, is also figurative. Chibber, and his companions, wished to depict to their Hindu counterparts that the Khalsa had more of a right to reign than them after the Islamic invader was expelled. Thus Sukkha Singh's proclamation, ' other group at the time had made her appear within the world other than the Khalsa.' (6) 3.) These writers often perceived themselves as being sub-continental traditionalists and utilised this factor in their works. Their land was the abode of Dharma, and as such was sacrosanct for it's content. In the words of Rhinehart, 'the goddess (Kalika) is something of an outsider to the Hindu pantheon; when the Gods are in trouble, she is the option of last resort, a fierce fighter, a protector. She stands somewhat apart from the social order of the Gods, but is ready to step in when needed... This is not unlike the way some Sikhs came to see themselves. Fighters and defenders of Indian culture, but not exactly within the Hindu fold.' (7) 4.) This event became an opiate, and a justification, for the peasantry's revolt under the Khalsa. Utilising sub-continental myths, the Khalsa promised to engineer an era emulating that of Ram-Chandra and Krishna; demi-gods who ruled as mortals and assured perfectness. Kalika became an important component of this vision, as it was with her blessings that both Ram-Chandra and Krishna achieved their reigns; and the Khalsa would too. The conclusive say on the matter however remains the Akali-Nihung's. For him sovereignty, in figurative terms, was bestowed upon that individual who was a possessor of prowess and a master of war. Thus one finds him saying, in theSri Bhagauti Astotar, 'grant this blessing of suzerainty to I your slave. Always protect me the Guru, Shah (an imperial title), Gobind!' (8) For him Kalika was ever-present in the form of the sword, and as such a perpetual verification of his right to reign. His later apostles would re-vamp this vision to achieve a fine balance between indigenous mythology, and historic justification. As Murphy contends, Chibber and Koer Singh were not hampered by European notions of time and thus wove myth, religion and reality into one semblance. (9) But it is Dhavan who retains the conclusive say on the matter. Busch pinpoints the political appeal of Kalika, citing that the latter was misinterpreted to say that, 'the Guru reverenced the Goddess.' (10) But the exegetical variation is highlighted by Dhavan who so readily contends, '...the meanings derived from this past occupied (and still occupy) a contested terrain as the exegetical traditions within Sikhism became diverse!' (11) Sources: (1) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 93-94. (2) Fenech E. Louis; (2013) The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 5-6. (3) ibid, pg. 6. (4) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 92-93. (5) Accessed from (6) Fenech E. Louis; (2013) The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 6. (7) ibid pg. 7. (8) Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, Sri Bhagauti Astotar, Dasam Granth. (This Bani is omitted in modern Dasam Granth publications under the aegis of the SGPC). (9) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 94-95. (10) Fenech E. Louis; (2013) The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 7. (11) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 93-94.
  10. This is a Punjabi Rap song called 'inqilab'. Which speaks the actual truth about unity among the people of South Asia & there is a quote n the beginning from Baba Guru Nanak. I was wondering if I would be able to share this song with others. The artist name is Hasaan Khan, please let me know. It is a very appropriate song about unity of our lands which is based on facts. Please if you do like the message of the song, do leave a feedback,subscription or thought. Peace~
  11. With Maharaj's Kirpa I aim to do more such pieces:
  12. Sri Guru Gobind Singh Ji administered Amrit in front of thousands to the initial Panj Piarey and consecutive Amritdharis, so when did this practice of administering Amrit out of the sight of the sangat commence?
  13. so i do A level philosophy and im in a class with 3 other people. 2 athiests ans 1 agnostic. We do alot of political philosophy and we disscuss things like whether libery or equality should be core priorities of the state etc. its interesting but its hard to come up with one answer. so i was wondering what the sikh state would look like. the khalsa was formed to rule n save the world essentially and i tried to discuss this in my lesson which started a debate. i was arguing that our state would be one which instead of capitalism and money at its core would have spirituality. i was arguing for a society simmilar to platos philosopher king, with guru granth sahib ji mahraj at the top and the punj pyare as like the prime ministers. i argued that this state would be better than any other state because it places the enphsis on something internal (Dasam duar) rather than materalistic things like money, the athiests said that this would be a society which favorited the religious and we wouldnt be modernisng and going forward but going backwards, and that the spiritual people at the top (punj pyare) would become corrupt. but i said hat sikhi was different coz its an enclusive religion and wouldnt have a problem with any other belief system or faith or would not contradict anyone. also our ideology is to serve the world, we wouldnt be serving everyone by picking favorites but there were many pragmatic issues highligted to me with my conception of the sikh state this was only my interpritation of the sikh state with my limited knowledge of sikhi thru bhai jigraj singh ji and russell brand lol, i came across alot of practical issues that wouldnt be work in a complex society like todays. i wanted to know some more eeducated descriptions of how a sikh state would look as were proberbly gonna continue this debate in tomorows lesson lol thanks waheguru ji ka khalsa, waheguru ji ki fateh
  14. Can anyone please tell me where in Dasam Bani it says the following: Raj bina neh Dharam chale hain Dharam bina sab dale male hain
  15. Tihar jail, Delhi – On the morning of 4th January 2015, a very special Gurpurb programme was held within the confines of Tihar Jail in New Delhi, to commemorate the parkash purab of Guru Gobind Singh. The Tihar complex is made up of a number of jails, each containing over 3,000 inmates. Among the Sikh political prisoners lodged in Tihar are Jagtar Singh Hawara, Parmjit Singh Bheora and Daya Singh Lahoria. Sikh prisoners are rarely allowed to hold a religious function, although other faiths regularly observe their own holy days. It requires a great deal of effort by the Sikh inmates to get the necessary go-ahead. But yesterday, all the inmates in one jail, regardless of their beliefs, were invited to a Kirtan diwan and to partake in the Guru ka Langar which was served afterwards, provided by the Delhi Gurdwara Parbhandak Committee. Apaardeep Singh (UK) and his jatha performed blissful kirtan and the final ardaas prayed for the unity and freedom of the Sikh nation. The Parshaad (blessed food) was distributed among the entire Tihar complex – including jail wardens and staff. Jagtar Singh Hawara addressed the Sangat for a few moments to commend the welfare provided by Sikh Relief (SOPW) and how it is a lifeline to those who find themselves imprisoned for their beliefs, to know that their families are being taken care of, while their own legal battle is fought on their behalf. Sikh Relief volunteer Sarbpreet Singh was granted permission to attend and among the others present were Manpreet Singh, Kuldeep Singh Batali and Mohinderpal Singh all from Akali Dal (Mann). Source:
  16. Anyone have any background knowledge of the 52 Hukams? I know what they are but im looking for katha or just more information when where why how they were written..
  17. Anyone have any background knowledge of the 52 Hukams? I know what they are but im looking for katha or just more information when where why how they were written..
  18. I was recently researching the history of Nanded (there is not much on it except in the 'Master's Presence') and decided to make a post about it. Here is the result: Hazoor Sahib and the Khalsa. 'Many people became martyrs there; and many houses for fakírs were erected in that place. Amidst them all, they erected a shrine over the Gurú[’s ashes], and, near his burying place, they made many other mausoleums and dharamsálas, and deposited Granth sáhibs in them. The name of that city, which was called Nader, was changed to Abchalnagar. In the present day, many Sikhs go there, and offer their oblations with much devotion. In that tomb, thousands of swords, shields, spears, and quoits, are to be found at all times; moreover the Sikhs, who go there, all worship those arms. The Sikhs believe this, that all those arms were formerly the property of Guru Govind Singh himself.' (1) One might enquire, where does the Khalsa reside in it's pristine form? The answer would inevitably be Hazoor Sahib, Nanded. One of the five sacrosanct religio-political medians, of the Khalsa, Hazoor Sahib possess a magnetic pull for the Khalsa. Devoid of the anglophonic reformism, which plagued it's North Indian counterparts, the shrine still boosts an extensive populace of Nihungs, Udasis and Nirmalas who otherwise have been effaced from their Punjabi strongholds. Despite it's prominence in the contemporary Khalsa's psyche, many adherents are still ignorant of it's multifarious historicity and often mistakenly categorise it as being the melting point between the Khalsa and other anachronistic traditions. The Akali-Nihungs believe it to be the prototypical locus of Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji. The esteemed Nihung pedagogue, Mahant Trliochan Singh Ji holds Nanded to be the original birthplace of the Guru before he manifested the Khalsa. Going by him, one understands that the Guru originally meditated on the divine Akal-Purakh, here, before migrating to the lofty peaks of Hemkunt. Subsequently he merged himself into the supreme consciousness before being dispatched to creation in the form of Guru Gobind Singh Ji. After exhausting Aurangzeb's nefarious crusade against him, the Guru was approached by the latter's son, Bahadur Shah, for assistance. Realizing that the latter was weaker than his incendiary predecessor, the Guru agreed to aid him knowing that Shah's victory would grant the Khalsa a temporary relieve. Thus he set about mediating between the Shah and his foes and/or engaging them in the spirit of an ubiquitous peace. Penultimately he journeyed with his newfound ally to Nanded, where the latter decided to subdue his rebellious sibling Kam Baksh. 'After seeking the Guru’s advice on what to do next in the face of the challenge from his brother, Kam Baksh, Bahadur Shah arranged to take his army towards Hyderabad. The route took them through Nanded on the banks of the River Godavari where they halted for several days. While the emperor moved off to continue his campaign, the Guru remained at Nanded to consider his plans.' (2) Subsequently the Guru decided to reside in Nanded, diverting from Shah who by now claimed the title of undisputed emperor of India. 'Guru Gobind Singh arrived at Nanded with all the majesty of a regional Rajput court. In his entourage were 300 heavily armed Akali-Nihang warriors and a stately retinue bustling with mendicants, poets, scholars, musicians, cooks and scribes. He camped, as he always did while travelling from place to place, about a mile outside the town.' (3) Here, he set about finalising the Sri Sarbloh Granth and preparing Akali-Nihung Binod Singh, and Banda Singh Bahadur, for a political and socially oriented conflict in the Punjab. In 1708 A.D. the Guru consecrated the Adi Guru Granth Sahib Ji as his perpetual successor and journeyed to his final abode. Subsequently a mass portion of his companions left to join Banda, in the Punjab, or seek residence in other sub-continental regions. A handful however elected to stay behind, under the aegis of Akali-Nihung Santokh Singh Ji who, 'raised an unadorned stone platform (‘chabootra’) over the mound' (4) where the Guru had been cremated. In time his fledgling band was swelled by erudite scholars (the Nirmalas), passionate advocates (the Udasis) and other Nihungs. Acknowledging the need of a Pater familias, Santokh Singh in due time commenced with electing a singular heir, to succeed him, a tradition which continues even contemporarily. The deleterious inclinations of the regional Muslim populace was soon answered via a new strategy, construed by the Nihungs. Their counterparts in the Punjab would often elect a battalion, which would then for a specified period camp in the grounds of Hazoor Sahib and safeguard both the shrine and the local Khalsa populace. (5) By 1770 A.D. a weakening Afghani influence, and military under the command of Ahmad Shah Abdali, boosted several new powers onto the sub-continent's political scene. The Sikhs were plausibly the most deviant amongst them, owing to the fact that their political system boosted several varied nation states knit in a loose confederacy. Amandeep Madra, digresses from the popular doxa that this was an advantageous system, instead citing, 'in spite of the Khalsa’s initially successful revolution to overthrow the Mughal government in Punjab, their mission faced a major setback following a split in their ranks.' (6) The Khalsa, in Nanded, had managed to escape the worst of the Islamic offensive against their Punjabi brethren but faced a dire osmosis themselves. It was during the latter period that a new champion emerged. In an era where Sikhs such as Kaura Mal (a Nanakpanthi) rose to great prominence, another unsung hero Chandu Lal himself was beginning to enjoy ascending stardom. The latter was an accountant for the Nizams of Hyderabad, whose territory incorporated Nanded, and became the elect representative of his people. Lal's political strategy was based on a model of evolution, emulation and adoption; thus ensuring his perpetual prominence in state affairs. This was to serve him well in the coming era. Penultimately Sikander Jhah ascended the Hyderabadi throne amongst much strife in 1803 A.D.. With both the British and Marathas vying for dominance in the greater part of India, he faced internal factionalism and rebellion. Realizing that Hyderabad's respite, from Maratha dominance, would swiftly end in the face of his inaction Jhah summoned Lal. Acknowledging his own parochialism, Jhah requested Lal to summon aid from Ranjit Singh. The Sikh emperor of the Punjab. Prior to 1803, two Sikh diplomats had already established an alliance of goodwill with Hyderabad and Jhah wanted to expand upon it. Thus, with his agreement, Chandu Lal deputed an emissary to the Punjab and ask Singh for assistance. The latter however proved more obfuscating than initially thought. He demanded that Jhah grant him expressive permission to build a Sikh centre in Nanded, incorporating Hazoor Sahib, and the monarchy ensure the paramount safety of all Sikh pilgrims. Jhah readily acquiesced fearing the looming rebel threat and Ranjit Singh dispatched a 12,000 strong brigade to assist his forces. Amongst the latter, the Akali-Nihungs rapidly became famed as an effective policing force. Their stern mindedness, and radical loyalty ensured a swift quelling of any mutineers. The consequence of these Nihungs can be garnered from the fact that they were paid 10 Rupees in wage, whereas their Arab and Rulhia counterparts were paid only five and six Rupees respectively. (7) Meanwhile another decisive episode was playing out in Hyderabad. The British eradication of the Marathas, in 1817 A.D., allowed them the opportunity to form coalitions with many newly independent fiefdoms. Dispatching envoys to the Nizam they were delighted to learn that Lal would readily acquiesce to their presence. But the Governor-General's agent, Metcalfe, was not so readily brought to the notion. 'Governor-General Lord Hastings pointed out his pivotal role to Metcalfe: "I feared that, in your dissatisfaction at not finding in ChundooLal so perfect an instrument as you wished, you had overlooked the deep engagement of the Government to uphold him." Metcalfe was not impressed with his government’s compromising position.' (8) Metcalfe's disdain, it seems, stemmed from several facts amongst them being Ranjit Singh's blockading of British expansion in the Punjab. Simultaneously Chandu Lal's employment of the Akali-Nihungs, in the state militia, did not curry him favour in the agent's eyes. Reports from Punjab perpetually reiterated the inflammatory nature of these men and cautioned Europeans from approaching them. Lal employed 2,000 of them in his cavalry, and a further 2,310 as infantry. (9) Metcalfe was plausibly one of the initial individuals to acknowledge Hazoor Sahib as a threat, especially if the British were to engage Ranjit Singh to the north. The Nihungs, despite being alien from Singh, nonetheless possessed a patriotic undercurrent and could effortlessly engage British forces in a costly war which could potentially alienate Hyderabad from the ubiquitous colonial spectrum. The regional British resident, Colonel James Fraser, also identified the Nihungs and the mainstream Sikh populace as a threat although his brief was diluted by his close relations with local Sikh leaders. Whilst Nanded continued to flourish as an ambivalent British bastion, events to the North-West of the sub-continent manifested new and grim realities. On 27th June, 1839 A.D., an ailing Ranjit Singh finally died ending a four decade inhibition on British expansionism. His chosen successor, Kharak Singh proved to be acutely maladroit and several different Princes and factions laid claim to the throne. Overnight, Punjab had become an unrestrained space. An element which the British could not tolerate. Conquered territories, under Sikh rule, commenced expressing malcontent but the British elected to play a waiting game. A strong-willed successor could easily restore the Sikh empire's prominence and prowess but would the latter be cordial to the British? Would he/she allow British penetration towards the North-Western frontier? Whilst these dubieties plagued the British, Fraser concluded his brief and submitted it to the Nizam the following year. Initially landing on Chandu Lal's desk, the latter processed it through the bureaucratic framework. The result? 'Fraser's Sikh report was kept pending for several years.' (10) Lal was fast becoming a British antagonist, but would this new course serve him well in the coming era? Only time would tell. (Continued in the 'Nihungs of Nanded, Hazoor Sahib and the Khalsa Part II'). Sources: (1) Accessed from: (2) ibid. (3) Accessed from: (4) ibid. (5) Accessed from: (6) Accessed from: (7) Accessed from: http://www.<banned site filter activated>/htmls/article_samparda_hazoori2.html (8) Accessed from: (9) Accessed from: (10) Accessed from: Original article: Please like Tisarpanth on facebook for more content.
  19. Erudite scholars of the Dasam Granth, and Sri Sarbloh Granth, have concluded that Kali plays an important role in both scriptures. She is a metaphor for associating femininity with the Akal. In this article I hope to highlight the societal, and familial factors which convinced Guru Gobind Singh Ji to utilise Kali in his works. The Dasam Granth residences a plethora of mystical-cum-spiritual metaphors which are fecund spectres of an ubiquitous vision. One such spectre is that of Kali, the dark Goddess. Evolving from a primeval genesis, Kali is presently a household deity amongst the sub-continent's denizens. Possessing a bloody historicity, to rival that of the Mexica pantheon, Kali for the Khalsa is not a reverential deity but a figurative utility for it's femininity. The often bloody historicity of the Khalsa has marginalized it's feminism, in pursuit of a more hyper-masculine monomania. Despite it's Gurus' emphasis on gender equivocalism, the latter principle is found ardently lacking in practice. Even today the pseudo-inter religious governing body, the SGPC, veto's women from performing Kirtan in the cardinal Darbar Sahib. A similar strain is also visible in the collective Sikh psyche of today. Despite acknowledging the existence of a formless God in their ethos, they will still opt for a more patricentric God in an emulation of Semitism. Ironically this is a notion which directly contradicts the feminism invoked in the Dasam Granth. To understand why the Dasam Granth utilises Kali, to showcase femininity, one has to understand the historic milieu orbiting it's creation. Authored by Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, it was written at a time when the societal segregation of Hinduism was at it's peak, and subsequent Islamic invasions had divided sub-continental society in believer and non-believe. The elite strata, of Hinduism, had escaped the greater Islamic penchant for persecution via allying themselves with the Mughal dynasty. Approving the latter course, the Mughal nucleus had readily allowed the latter a constrained practice of their faith. Summarily the nadir strata of Hinduism now faced two dangers. The orthodox hegemony lead by the fanatical Brahmins, or religious clerics, and the whims of Islamic radicals. Simultaneously the Brahmins restrained the performance and observance of religiosity to themselves and their male hierarchy, whilst forbidding women and the servile classes from emulating them. In the periods which followed the servile classes, and women, were slowly deprived of their deities, until penultimately Kali was left. Kali herself was perceived as being an ostracised deity by the Brahmins. Born during a mythical era of warfare, her figurative symbolism had been lost through the ages until ultimately her figure was defined in numerous modes. For the ostracised layers of Hinduism she represented a sporadic escape, an hearkening to an era where she would manifest and slaughter the malesh (filth) plaguing them. Her persona spoke volumes to the Guru who not only wanted to parent a distinct socio-religious parcel but also uplift the proletariat regardless of the latter's allegiances, associations and beliefs. Decrying her worship, he nonetheless adopted her as a clandestine metaphor for his literary works. Kali's spectral prowess over death was employed by him to depict the maternal aspect of the Akal, or the deathless entity. Simultaneously her ability to consume time was another element which he favoured and aligned with the Akal who fluidly exists over time and it's offshoots. Other factors, which were pivotal, in the Guru's adoption of Kali are found in his own life and hierarchy. Wendy Doniger argues that 'other people's myths' assist one in bettering one's own persona and traits. These 'other myths' provide an anti-inertial, and diverse, balance in one's understanding of one's own life and environment. The Khalsa Gurus' resided during a time when the folklore of Hinduism was a sub-continental phenomena, thus to assist their apostles in understanding their own unique dictums they employed well-recognised and known figures to assist them. His predecessor's anti-inertial devices were not lost on the Guru, who also forwarded the latter tradition. Secondly, despite his masculine attributes and generalship he was also close to feminism himself. His father had been executed by the fanatical Aurangzeb, and he had been left in the care of a mother who had acted as a decisive vizier for him in his early years. His own grandfather, Guru Hargobind Sahib Ji, had also deputed his wife and mother as his regents when he himself was imprisoned by the Mughals. Thus his family had seen a balance between male and female paradigms, a course not lost on him. Thirdly he employed a sublime figure. Kali is not overly beauteous, but nor was her role as an embodiment of warfare. Acknowledging this reality, the Guru added her to his own growing repertoire of literal arsenals. Fourthly Kali, for the Guru, became a stereotypical element of his own war against the contemporaneous polity. The dark, almost devilish, goddess wars against injustice in order to liberate her pantheist brethren. Simultaneously the Guru also uplifted the servile out castes of his milieu and armed them to fight the tyranny inflicted upon them. In Kali he found a kindred spirit and acknowledged this element in his writings. Fourthly the Guru gifted a parental Kali to the embryonic Khalsa. For him the purity of a female was beyond doubt, and the Khalsa too would have to imbue the same spirit in order to wage it's perpetual war against abibek. Conclusively, for the Guru, Kali became an integrative element of his revitalising of society. The fact that he could envision a female wielding a sword depicts the importance of both masculinity and femininity in human society. In the post-Guru era, Khalsa women would foster a strong tradition of warrior-dom and leadership. Mata Bhag Kaur, the Guru-mother's Mata Sahib Kaur and Sundar Kaur, Sada Kaur, Rani Jind Kaur are only few of the names which come to mind when acknowledging the matriarchal aspect of Khalsa historicity. Thus one cane easily summarise that for the Guru, Kali was a multi-faceted deity which he employed for anti-inertial and figurative upliftment.
  20. Poh Sudi 7, Nanakshahi Sammat 545 (7 January 2014) ਸਾਹਿਬ-ਏ-ਕਮਾਲ ਸ੍ਰੀ ਗੁਰੂ ਗੋਬਿੰਦ ਸਿੰਘ ਜੀ ਮਹਾਰਾਜ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਕਾਸ਼ ਗੁਰਪੁਰਬ ਦੀ ਲੱਖ ਲੱਖ ਵਧਾਈ Many Greetings on the occasion of Prakash Purab of Sahib-e-Kamal Sri Guru Gobind Singh Ji Maharaj Click on the banner and listen to Dasam Bani
  21. A history of the neo-Chaupai Sahib. A plea-ful ballad wrought by Guru Gobind Singh Ji to depict the supreme dominance of his monotheistic entity, the 'Kabiyo Bach Bentai Chaupai' was an early victim of Colonial interests during the Anglo-Sikh Wars. Captivated by the mystical initiative imparted by the Khalsa ethos, the Colonial administration despite professing an ardent belief in extreme Abrahamic doctrines was not above indulging in subtle superstitious norms. Incorporating various intelligence emissaries in it's diplomatic delegations to Punjab, the latter hoped to learn the pivotal expressions behind the Khalsa's iron grip upon militant sovereignty. Various analyzations and essaying procedures presented a similar conclusion, highlighting the factor that the Khalsa's socio-textual heritage granted it an almost supernatural willpower which refused to bend under any decisive pressure. Refuting such a 'preposterous notion,' as perceived by the colonial nucleus, the latter dispatched a military agent Captain Murray who was tasked with preparing an elaborate exegesis upon the Khalsa universe and presenting it to the East India Company's military nerve center. Presenting himself as an arduous Bona Fide emissary tasked with advancing the perceived cordial relations between the Khalsa Court and the British Regency, the latter succeeded in assuring the assistance of the elusive Akali-Nihung, Ratan Singh Bhangu. As per Murray's instructions, and the Khalsa court's patronage, Bhangu prepared an excessive memorabilia visualizing the Khalsa's arduous struggle against the sub-continent's xenophobic Islamic rulers and multi-faceted Hindu traitors. His work, aptly entitled 'Sri Gur Panth Prakash' or the Guru's Adherence to Political Sovereignty, was dispatched to the heads of the Colonial polity in Britain and extensively combed through to identify the Khalsa's vulnerable heel. Realizing that the scriptural canons adhered to by the latter were a repository of fundamental and orthodox strength a bid was made, in the aftermath of the Khalsa empire's annexation into Colonial domains, to establish a new superficial evolution of the puritanical Khalsa and render it obsolete in face of Christian advances. Realizing the intensive influence of the Khalsa's heterogeneous parallels, the Akali-Nihungs; Udasis, Nirmalas etc. The later Colonial polity sought to establish a Catholicized precedent via establishing a census to identify and taxonomize the varied traditions permeating the sub-continent. To this end it emboldened various fundamental reformers-cum-revivalists such as the nefarious Arya-Samaj and the decisive Singh-Sabha to ingrain an evolved notion of 'faith' and 'religion' in the minds of their respective adherents. Both movements were constructed via a subtle European influence and easily dismantled the core functionaries of their respective faiths giving vent to intensively fallacious diatribes. Various enlistees of the Singh-Sabha 'revolution' launched an unwarranted offensive against their heterogeneous counterparts, catalyzing in the latter's alienation from the general mainstream. With the commencement of the latter movement's periodical influence into the early 1900's, the Colonial/Missionary aim was rendered blatantly mistimed in face of the various Khalsa revolutions birthed to eradicate all Christian, Hindu and Islamic influences from Punjab. Unfettered, however the regional Punjab polity dispatched the idiotic Teja Singh Bahasuria to render the very canonical heart of the Khalsa obsolete by birthing a new Adi Guru Granth. The Teja manuscript would be passed off as a historical artifact of paramount importance due to it's deliberate exclusion of the 'Raagmala' and be pertained as the authentic Guru of the panth. Teja's imbecilic execution failed, yet the latter succeeded in engineering a new design. The vilification and exclusion of the Dasam Granth from panthic circles. Revered on par with the Adi Guru Granth, the latter canon, parallel to the Sarbloh Granth, was traditionally paid obeisance to and was seen as a scriptural entity of the Guru's body. “Gur Nanak Puran Avtar...Agaya Pai Akaal Ki Tabhi Chalayo Panth Sabb Sikhon Ko hukam hai Guru Maneyo Granth. Dohra: Aad Guru te Dasam Loh Granth Panth Ki Tek. Gehe Puran Thiya Granth Yeh Daya Sarb Har Ek”. 'Guru Nanak is the full manifestation of the lord... only with the latter's blessings did the panth manifest. All Sikhs are commanded to obey the edicts of the holy Granth. This Granth consists of the Adi Guru Granth, the tenth (Dasam) and all-metal (Sarbloh) Granth. These shall consist as entities of veneration for the path and shall herewith be viewed as a singular entity.' -Giani Gian Singh Nirmala, 'Naveen Panth Prakash,' Vol.1, pg. 1840. With the advent of the 1920's, and the formation of the anti-puritanical SGPC, the 'Chaupai Sahib,' among other parallel sibling writings, was excessively shortened and vilified. Consisting of 27 poetic analyzations, it was deliberately minimized to 25 and perpetually reiterated at the Khalsa Vatican, the Darbar Sahib. Under Teja's equally imbecilic contemporary, Giani Kartar Singh Kalasiwala, the dual compositions of 'Chaupai Sahib' were expelled and various traditional norms were discarded. Via the guise of polarity and an Utopian infrastructure, the Khalsa's historic emphasis on retaining weaponry and a militant blue uniform was discarded. This brought the modernist mainstream in conflict with the traditional entities such as the Akali-Nihungs and the various educational entities promoting a puritanical perspective on the Khalsa ethos. Veiling their nefarious elemental offensives via reiterating the need for a 'Sikhism' (the suffix was an European addition to vilify the entire ethos), the latter succeeded in ousting the Akali-Nihung Singh Khalsa from the Akal-Takhat and excessively sidelining and stratifying the Udasis. The Akali-Nihungs commenced an arduous preservation of the various puritanical manuscripts which housed the authentic undiluted essayed essences of the Gurus. An operation which was revamped under the late Akali-Nihung Santa Singh who obtained and operated a printing press at Anandpur Sahib, which commenced an extensive printing of authentic scriptural treatises. Simultaneously various historic orders and schools also established a similar norm, a course which was heavily targeted by the neo-generation of modern Sikhs. The contemporary 'Chaupai' commences from 'Hamree Karo Hath De Racha,' and concludes at 'Gobind Das Tuhar.' It does not house the honorary 'Kirpa Kari ham par Jagmata,' or the 'Arril' nomenclature. Various arguments have been advanced for the latter portions expulsion, but it seems that the expulsion was a choice of random exclusion and there was no operational procedure constructed for the execution. Esoterically a shortened canon, such as the Gurus' recorded reiterations, presents an inescapable abyss, one which threatens to engulf the virgin panth. It is up to the contemporary panthic generation to preserve it's puritanical heritage and re-establish it's historic supremacy. Now I have a facebook page people. So no need for you to say I ignore your righteous criticism.
  22. As of late Thursday night pictures of Sikh Gurus continue to be hung inside the “Maharaja Room” of Pikey Bar. United Sikhs representative Karam Grewal spoke to the manager of the bar Hallelujah Walcott, who told him that the portraits would be removed “very soon.” However, no definite timeline was established. Karam Grewal of United Sikhs was quoted telling India-West Magazine: “Our religion is very against drinking. Hanging pictures of our guru where people are drinking is very disrespectful,” Karam Grewal, told India-West Magazine. “Images of Guru Gobind Singh are only found in gurdwaras or in private homes,” the Indian American said, adding that Pikey has tried to create an Indo-British feel to its Maharaja room, where portraits of maharajahs hang alongside pictures of Sikh saints. “They’re being passive aggressive. They have said they will take them down, but have not told us when. They realize that they have hurt a lot of people, but they’re not doing anything about it,” she said, adding that Pikey’s managers should close that part of the restaurant or at least cover the portraits until the matter is settled. Another Publication called WEHOville spoke to the Manager of Pikey’s Bar Noam Rubin regarding the removal of the pictures, the manager said Pikey’s is waiting for replacement paintings to arrive. The bar is owned by New York hotelier Sean MachPherson whose net worth is estimated at 800 Million dollars according to India West Magazine. Committed, Inc. is the company the Bar is under which Owns eight restaurants in Southern California and a number of hotels in New York. United Sikhs have asked the owner to donate the portraits to a local Gurdwara after removal.
  23. "Shri Guru Gobind Singh Ji Weapons display" Weapons have traditionally played an important role in Sikh religious practice and Sikh history. here is some display of weapons of shri Guru Gobind singh ji which is placed in Anandpur Sahib
  24. The clash and progression of titans. In the bloody struggle to gain a political precedent over the various domains of the sub-continent, in the aftermath of the mughal empire's fall, three forces came to the fore. The Marathas, the Afghanis and the Khalsa. All three were hell bent on carving extensive domains for themselves and eradicating all vestiges of any foreign state and it's subsequent polity. In this struggle the mughals were reduced to nothing more than depleted forms of their past selves, and forced to tolerate strains of vengeance and exploitation on all fronts. Whether under the Khalsa, the Marathas or the Afghanis, the mughals suffered bitter humiliation reminiscent of their parent emperor's tortures launched against their wards in past eras. Whereas the Afghanis were seen as a foreign entity vying for an Alexandrian conquest of the sub-continent, specifically Punjab; it was the Khalsa and it's contemporary Maratha entity which emerged as the home team and the potential hope of the sub-continent's sovereignty. The Maratha polity was a catalyst of it's father Shivaji's political ambition amalgamated with his subsequent humiliation at the hands of his mughal employers. He commenced his crusade in 1681 A.D. and ofught bitterly with the mughals for the succeeding 27 years. Parallel to his crusade, Guru Gobind Singh Ji manifested the Khalsa and unleashed widespread rebellion against the larger sub-continental polity, composed of various Hindu and Islamic chieftains, in the territorial domains surrounding Delhi and composing the Punjab region. Despite both the Guru and Shivaji earning numerous accolades and notable victories over their foes, they never interacted. Shivaji aimed to create a fundamental Hindu state with Hindu acting as the byword for domination, and control. The Guru aimed to strengthen the Khalsa and give it the instruction required to garner power and carve a territorial entity for itself, devoid of any non-Sikh influence. Both the Maratha and the Khalsa entity possessed views which were an essential antithesis of their parallels. Both entities, despite retaining an extensive knowledge of each other, only came in contact with each other with the success of the Maratha campaign in Delhi. The subsequent actions and operations of the Marathas soon saw an extension of their conquering precincts into Punjab, which at the time was facing an onslaught of Islamic extremism amalgamated with a political catalyst. The decisive conjuncture of the contact manifested itself during Ahmad Shah Abdali's fourth invasion of the sub-continent. Noticing the extension of the Maratha territories, and the troublesome guerrilla tactics of the Khalsa he ordered his son, Timur Shah, and general, Jahan Khan, to govern Lahore and it's surrounding precincts. An extensive number of the mughal polity's remnants submitted to their command, but a few resisted despite facing imminent eradication from their bloodthirsty foes. Adina Beg, the governor of Lahore, after taking the hasty step of defying Timur decided to call on the Khalsa for assistance. Knowing that this was a potential chance to birth and plug a power-vacuum, the Khalsa entity readily agreed and started the arduous march towards Lahore. Adina Beg however had second thoughts and it was not long before he dispatched a request for aide to the Maratha chiefs in Delhi, who in a parallel fashion to the Khalsa commenced their arduous march towards Lahore. Raghunath Rao, the foremost Maratha chieftain and a subtle politician in his own right, readily agreed on the condition that Adina Beg pay him 100,000 rupees for each day's march and 50,000 for every subsequent halt. Adina in a bid to preserve his won skin eschewed his bitterness at such an extensive demand, and readily agreed to pay. On 8th March 1758 A.D. Raghunath and his forces finally arrived at Sirhind, where he joined the Adina-Khalsa coalition. Sirhind was besieged and it's doors soon fell prey to the Khalsa-Adina-Maratha forces which indulged in widespread loot of it's treasury. In the aftermath disparities soon became evident, the Khalsa which would have sacked Sirhind with a coalition or without demanded an extensive share of the loot due to it's geographical knowledge. Raghunath and his forces, enlivened and emboldened by Adina's pay, demanded a greater share of the loot whereas Adina's own troops expressed mutinous tendencies at the evident reduction of their own share. Knowing that a clash of steel was evident due to the bitter rivalries plaguing the coalition Adina defined a new precedent for the triple alliance. The Khalsa would remain two paces ahead of it's partners. This availing of inter-coalition frictions soon saw Adina's joint entity besiege Lahore and subsequently enter it on 20th April 1758 A.D. Timur and his contemporaries had fled the region. Raghunath struck a subtle blow at the heart of the Khalsa ambitions when he appointed Adina as governor of Lahore and after discarding his Khalsa allies, extended the Maratha domains onto the precincts of Afghanistan itself. The subsequent alienation of his potential allies, the Khalsa, the Jatts and the Rajputs, soon saw him stratify himself into a corner. A situation exploited by Abdali who annihilated the Maratha influence in Punjab in 1759 A.D. The subsequent power vacuum which became evident was readily filled by the de-facto master of Punjab. The Khalsa. The Marathas dispatched various orders for assistance to their subjects but were readily refused, their alienating policies ultimately struck back at their bosom until only a few Jatt chieftains agreed to assist them out of empathy. For a year the Maratha forces danced ahead of Abdali who readily followed them until in 1761 A.D. at Panipat, he annihilated an army of 60,000 pitched Maratha warriors and their subsequent families. This parallel bloodbath was a blessing to the Khalsa, who readily exploited it and reversed the Maratha influence until ultimately it possessed Punjab and campaigned up to and into Delhi. Five years later, the remnant Maratha vestiges once more came into contact with the now dominant Khalsa. This time they were invited by Jawahar Singh of Bharatpur, the Jat monarch, to birth a coalition which would aim to annihilate Najib Ud'Dula, his father's murderer and one of the influential Ruhlia chieftains. A 15,000 strong Khalsa legion, under the command of Sardar Jassa Singh Alhuwalia easily erased the Ruhlia forces from the battleground, yet it was a bitter victory for Jawahar Singh who was soundly betrayed by Malhar Rao; the Maratha general. Rao and various Jatt chieftains negotiated a subtle treaty forcing Jawahar Singh to accept Najib Ud'Dula's influence over him. Such a decisive maneuver however inflamed Jawahar against the Maratha polity, and after a minimum conjuncture, he took 8,000 Khalsa warriors into his pay to crush the traitorous Marathas. Not only had they stalled his desire for vengeance they had also birthed a blood feud by announcing his rival sibling, Nahar Singh, as the rightful monarch of Bharatpur. A year later, at the head of his Khalsa battalion, Jawahar Singh succeeded in ousting the Maratha-cum-Nahar coalition from Dholpur and occupied it as an extension of His Bharatpur domains. In the aftermath he led his battalion to aide the Jatt prince of Gohad against a Maratha legion, an action which catalyzed in the Khalsa extensively raiding Maratha domains in central India. The dawning of 1768 A.D. saw widespread hostility which catalyzed in the assassination of Jawahar Singh and his heir Ratan Singh, the subsequent year. Their remaining heirs Ranjit Singh and Naval Singh soon birthed a bloody civil war, and battle lines were drawn once more. Ranjit Singh approached the Khalsa chieftains for aide whereas Naval summoned the Marathas, who were eager to visit vengeance upon their Khalsa foes. Twenty-fourth February 1770 A.D. saw the commencement of a bloody engagement in which the Maratha's famed cavalry clashed with the Khalsa forces. Despite the victory of Naval Singh, the Maratha cavalry was heavily mauled and was never able to garner the prominence it once held. Subsequently the Khalsa forces retreated to Punjab, safe with the knowledge that the Marathas would not mount any attack against them. 1771 A.D. saw the reassertion of Maratha dominance over an extensive portion of the sub-continent, exclusive of Punjab, and the rise of Mahadji Scindia as paramount chieftain of the Maratha entity. The following year the exiled mughal monarch was restated in his place and Mahadji entrusted with the mission of returning peace to the sub-continental domains. A ruthless exploiter Mahadji pulled his employer's strings from the commencement of his mission and settled his eyes on the Khalsa territories. Under it's various chieftains the Khalsa had been involved in the extensive plunder of the various tributaries which symbiotically supported the mughal coffers. As a result of the raids, the economic stability of the mughal entity had fallen into disarray and even the Marathas were forced to conclude that finance was a paramount issue. As a result Scindia deputed various ambassadors to parlay with the Khalsa confederacies and negotiate a peace-treaty, which would prevent them from launching their decisive raids even on Delhi itself. On the other front he gained the allegiance of Samru Begum, who possessed the sub-continent's finest artillery. The catalyst of these political brokering resulted in a joint treaty being signed on 9th May 1785 A.D. which granted the Khalsa one million rupees, on the behest of the Marathas, in exchange for the Khalsa's surrendering of the Yamuna and Gang tributaries. (Continued in Part 2). Please post a successive comment on this blog with your contemporary comment on the forum. Thanks!
  25. WJK WJF, Did Guru Ji give someone the death penalty for stealing money? I read this somewhere and also asked an elder and he confirmed that this did happen but i am not sure... Wouldn't this go against what Guru Granth Shaib Ji teaches us? Especially over something like money...