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Hi I wanted to know how one becomes a nihang in Canada. I am from BC and wondering what the process is especially in western countries. I was also wondering how maryada is kept as well because wearing a bana all the time is hard. Any information will be great.

Thakur Dalip Singh Namdhari present head challenged RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat on his face and said bluntly “ We Sikhs have independent separate identity and it must remain independent. “ This one sentence clearly shows Dalip Singh’s stand about separate Sikh religion. In words, He told Mohan Bhagwat we are not Hindus and cannot be merged in Hindus.

Hi. I see a lot of questions on this forum from young people, whereby its become clear that they do not understand the personal component of becoming Amritdhari, For example, periodically seeing posts asking why Amritdharis can't date. I don't think people understand that an inner state is supposed to accompany the outer state. So what does it mean I think it would good to ask- what does it mean to become Amritdhari in terms of personality, attitude, behaviours, etc?

Are there any videos saying they directly supported it? Some say yes and some no. Only facts and videos here please cos own views get mixed in translation

After seeing this in the news: http://www.firstpost.com/india/who-is-jaspal-atwal-khalistani-militant-convicted-of-trying-to-kill-punjab-minister-roils-india-canada-relations-4362871.html I was wondering if anyone has got more information about the khalistan movement in canada during the 80s/90s. I know the likes of Parmar, Bagri, Para, Kooner, Khera and now Raman etc are all well known, but there were many other actions that took place in Canada. The likes of jasbir Singh Atwal, Jaspal Singh Atwal, Amarjit Singh Dhindsa and Sukhdial Singh Gill, I also remeber hearing about another group of youth who tried doing Rajiv Gandhi on his visit there? Can anyone share any info as these are kurbaniyah that were taken by the youth during a dark period in our history. Advance Warning: IF YOU GOT NOTHING PRODUCTIVE TO SAY THEN PLEASE DONT COMMENT ON THIS THREAD lol

La Noche Triste Pav Singh’s 1984: India’s Guilty Secret and the continuing Sikh night of sorrows. Is catastrophe a precursor to genocide or is genocide a spontaneous outburst of violence- essentially a riot? The misnomer of riot to veil genocide is nowhere more evident than in the Indian state’s treatment of the anti-Sikh pogroms of November 1984. Whereas the political-cum-social discourse of the majority community has condensed the event into the misbranded Delhi Riots, for the survivors they were a well-executed genocide. It is axiomatic that justice delayed is justice denied; Pav Singh in his 1984: India’s Guilty Secrethowever goes a step further- on the basis of the survivors’ accounts which he recounts lucidly- Singh contends that November was by no means a riot. It was the culmination of a long drawn out plan to inflict such wounds on the Sikh psyche that the community would never again agitate for civil rights in the Indian union, and assimilate into the greater neo-Hindu political fold (Hindutva). Radical, in scope, 1984 has swiftly dethroned existing analyses of that apocalyptic November and portends change in the global perception of genocide. 1984, from the onset, does not exercise restraint. It is vivid in it’s recounting of the horrors which the Sikhs faced in the aftermath of Prime Minister Indra Gandhi’s assassination. Whereas the mass rapes of Sikh girls and women have often been downplayed in the works of Khushwant Singh and Nayer, Pav Singh elects to focus on how it was employed as a tool to humiliate Sikh males before they were doused in kerosene and set on fire. His almost calm narration of events is enough to render even the most staunch of readers chilled. A fourteen year old boy is forced to witness the gang-rape of his mother; a whole family is hurled out of their residence to witness their daughters being stripped nude, urinated upon and then raped by hordes of mourners (as consecutive political accounts would refer to the culprits). Sikh males are set alight whereas groups of Sikh women are rounded up and held outside Delhi in a semi-concentration camp where they are continually violated. The myth that only Sikh males were targeted is effortlessly effaced by Pav Singh who dedicates an entire chapter to the sexual atrocities suffered by Sikh women. The attitude of doctors, police, and general society towards the victims of rape are also scrutinized. Elements of all three would be instrumental in evicting victims from aid camps and returning them to their prior locii which, in most cases, would be in ruins. The fortunate would escape; the unfortunate would once again fall into the hands of their violators. Another complex facet, of the November pogroms, which has hitherto been obscured is what happened to the Sikh policemen and military personnel in Delhi? 1984 unabashedly substantiates, based on official documentation, how all Sikh serving personnel in Delhi were ordered to take leave in the early hours of November 1st ’84. Most would have had no idea, other than that Indra Gandhi had been gunned down by her Sikh bodyguard duo the night before, of the inferno which awaited them outside their official precincts. Weaponless, they would have walked straight into effective death traps. Military personnel, serving or otherwise, would have fallen prey to armed mobs on the nation’s railway network. Were Sikhs only targeted at train stops? Pav Singh systematically exposes this canard, again relying on official documentation, to evidence that at least forty-six unauthorized train stops were made which allowed assembled mobs to slay all Sikhs on board. For Sikhs, the primacy of Pav Singh’s work hinges on three crucial factors: 1.) It effectively refutes the misnomer of riot. 2.) Whilst paying tribute to the few brave souls who risked life and limb to save Sikhs, it also depicts the callousness of politicians, police and neighbors who betrayed the Sikhs by rendering them defenseless in the face of bloodthirsty mobs. 3.) It refutes the theory of Delhi Riots. Detailed maps provide evidence of sanguinary pogroms executed in Gujrat, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Assam, West Bengal and Agartala. Candid, impenitent and critical- Pav Singh’s 1984 is radical in it’s approach to the November pogroms. Though sections of the Indian media are criticizing Singh, his work should be judged with impartiality; India’s Guilty Secret not only recounts the atrocities inflicted on the Sikhs, but also exposes the political/social cohesion via which the events of November ’84 transpired. The theory of Nanak Jayanti, an alleged rumor which posits that the pogroms were intended for execution on the birth celebrations of Guru Nanak Dev Ji (founder of the Sikh faith) for maximum damage, is also analyzed by Singh. Victim statements are taken into account which depict the conditions outside Punjab in the aftermath of the ill-construed Operation Bluestar. Sikh businesses and residences were often transcribed with a S symbol in the lead-up to November; on the night of 31st October teams were employed to scour several cities in a mission to place this S on all Sikh locations. On the 1st of November the grim significance of this symbol would become transparent as mobs marched on all such identified locations. Nanak Jayanti, caught out by Gandhi’s demise, had been implemented earlier to teach the troublesome Sikhs a bloody lesson. What of the judiciary and the aftermath? Singh, in a brief list, provides an exposition of all the failed commissions which attempted to tackle November ’84 but failed to provide even token justice for the victims. He ends on a poignant note; the survivors of ’84, forgotten by all, are shown as suffering from the trauma of the atrocities inflicted upon them. The state is continually failing in it’s mandate to provide them justice; the social discourse veils their trauma whereas the same ideology which preyed upon them is today gaining ground nationwide. Justice delayed is justice denied, justice denied is justice perverted. https://tisarpanthdotcom.wordpress.com/2018/02/25/la-noche-triste/

La Noche Triste Pav Singh’s 1984: India’s Guilty Secret and the continuing Sikh night of sorrows. Is catastrophe a precursor to genocide or is genocide a spontaneous outburst of violence- essentially a riot? The misnomer of riot to veil genocide is nowhere more evident than in the Indian state’s treatment of the anti-Sikh pogroms of November 1984. Whereas the political-cum-social discourse of the majority community has condensed the event into the misbranded Delhi Riots, for the survivors they were a well-executed genocide. It is axiomatic that justice delayed is justice denied; Pav Singh in his 1984: India’s Guilty Secrethowever goes a step further- on the basis of the survivors’ accounts which he recounts lucidly- Singh contends that November was by no means a riot. It was the culmination of a long drawn out plan to inflict such wounds on the Sikh psyche that the community would never again agitate for civil rights in the Indian union, and assimilate into the greater neo-Hindu political fold (Hindutva). Radical, in scope, 1984 has swiftly dethroned existing analyses of that apocalyptic November and portends change in the global perception of genocide. 1984, from the onset, does not exercise restraint. It is vivid in it’s recounting of the horrors which the Sikhs faced in the aftermath of Prime Minister Indra Gandhi’s assassination. Whereas the mass rapes of Sikh girls and women have often been downplayed in the works of Khushwant Singh and Nayer, Pav Singh elects to focus on how it was employed as a tool to humiliate Sikh males before they were doused in kerosene and set on fire. His almost calm narration of events is enough to render even the most staunch of readers chilled. A fourteen year old boy is forced to witness the gang-rape of his mother; a whole family is hurled out of their residence to witness their daughters being stripped nude, urinated upon and then raped by hordes of mourners (as consecutive political accounts would refer to the culprits). Sikh males are set alight whereas groups of Sikh women are rounded up and held outside Delhi in a semi-concentration camp where they are continually violated. The myth that only Sikh males were targeted is effortlessly effaced by Pav Singh who dedicates an entire chapter to the sexual atrocities suffered by Sikh women. The attitude of doctors, police, and general society towards the victims of rape are also scrutinized. Elements of all three would be instrumental in evicting victims from aid camps and returning them to their prior locii which, in most cases, would be in ruins. The fortunate would escape; the unfortunate would once again fall into the hands of their violators. Another complex facet, of the November pogroms, which has hitherto been obscured is what happened to the Sikh policemen and military personnel in Delhi? 1984 unabashedly substantiates, based on official documentation, how all Sikh serving personnel in Delhi were ordered to take leave in the early hours of November 1st ’84. Most would have had no idea, other than that Indra Gandhi had been gunned down by her Sikh bodyguard duo the night before, of the inferno which awaited them outside their official precincts. Weaponless, they would have walked straight into effective death traps. Military personnel, serving or otherwise, would have fallen prey to armed mobs on the nation’s railway network. Were Sikhs only targeted at train stops? Pav Singh systematically exposes this canard, again relying on official documentation, to evidence that at least forty-six unauthorized train stops were made which allowed assembled mobs to slay all Sikhs on board. For Sikhs, the primacy of Pav Singh’s work hinges on three crucial factors: 1.) It effectively refutes the misnomer of riot. 2.) Whilst paying tribute to the few brave souls who risked life and limb to save Sikhs, it also depicts the callousness of politicians, police and neighbors who betrayed the Sikhs by rendering them defenseless in the face of bloodthirsty mobs. 3.) It refutes the theory of Delhi Riots. Detailed maps provide evidence of sanguinary pogroms executed in Gujrat, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Assam, West Bengal and Agartala. Candid, impenitent and critical- Pav Singh’s 1984 is radical in it’s approach to the November pogroms. Though sections of the Indian media are criticizing Singh, his work should be judged with impartiality; India’s Guilty Secret not only recounts the atrocities inflicted on the Sikhs, but also exposes the political/social cohesion via which the events of November ’84 transpired. The theory of Nanak Jayanti, an alleged rumor which posits that the pogroms were intended for execution on the birth celebrations of Guru Nanak Dev Ji (founder of the Sikh faith) for maximum damage, is also analyzed by Singh. Victim statements are taken into account which depict the conditions outside Punjab in the aftermath of the ill-construed Operation Bluestar. Sikh businesses and residences were often transcribed with a S symbol in the lead-up to November; on the night of 31st October teams were employed to scour several cities in a mission to place this S on all Sikh locations. On the 1st of November the grim significance of this symbol would become transparent as mobs marched on all such identified locations. Nanak Jayanti, caught out by Gandhi’s demise, had been implemented earlier to teach the troublesome Sikhs a bloody lesson. What of the judiciary and the aftermath? Singh, in a brief list, provides an exposition of all the failed commissions which attempted to tackle November ’84 but failed to provide even token justice for the victims. He ends on a poignant note; the survivors of ’84, forgotten by all, are shown as suffering from the trauma of the atrocities inflicted upon them. The state is continually failing in it’s mandate to provide them justice; the social discourse veils their trauma whereas the same ideology which preyed upon them is today gaining ground nationwide. Justice delayed is justice denied, justice denied is justice perverted. https://tisarpanthdotcom.wordpress.com/2018/02/25/la-noche-triste/

wjkk wjkf, in guru gobind singh jis 52 hukams one of the hukams say that sikhs should continue on the tradition of ghor savari and shastar vidiya, but do we still need training in these areas, especially in horseback riding now that cars are available. bhula chuka kema muaf. wjkk wjkf

give review

Who Is Sikh ?

"ਵਿੱਦਿਆ ਦਾਤੇ ਦਸ਼ਮੇਸ਼, ਪ੍ਰਗਟੇ ਆਪ ਪ੍ਰਮੇਸ਼"। This is new nara formulated by Thakur Dalip Singh, please give review on picture and on above nara

ग्रंथ गुरु सिदांत और सिंघ सभा बारे नयी ख़ोज ਗ੍ਰੰਥ ਗੁਰੂ ਸਿਧਾਂਤ ਅਤੇ ਸਿੰਘ ਸਭਾ ਬਾਰੇ ਨਵੀ ਖ਼ੋਜ New revelation about granth guru theory and singh sabha by Hárjinderméet Singh Read article

Hey guys I was just reading Bhai Rama Singh jis Autobiography, it is really interesting and I want to share this with you guys. If this is in the wrong section can you please move it mods, I do not have an account. What do you guys think about this? Also I am not an AKJ, but a sinner. So please don't start an aruge about AKJ.

I respect "Waheguru ji ka Khalsa, Waheguru ji ki fateh", but tell me since gurbaani says god is the only thing that exists. "Sab Gobind hai sab gobind hai. Gobind bin nahi koi" . If god is only thing that exists, then how can there even be a concept like "victory" or "defeat". Its like me playing tennis with myself. its ridiculous . I am neither the winner nor the loser. For me to either win or lose, there has to be someone else ! But with god, there's no one else. Even things are him only. So "Waheguru ji ki fateh" is against whom . ? when waheguru is the only thing that exists . Also since everything is his , both good and bad, then why we say "Waheguru ji ka Khalsa" too. I am trying to understand. no offense Mods might consider moving this thread to Gurbani section. Sorry !

http://www.sikh24.com/2017/11/13/breaking-bhai-amrik-singh-ajnala-resigns-as-jathedar-of-kesgarh-sahib/ Thoughts people?

IS SHANT ras more important then bir ras or are they supposed to be equal. an example is miri piri, is the miri aspect more important then the piri aspect or vice versa, or are they equally important. bhula chuka khema muaf. wjkk wjkf

Watch the video and read the verses "I Get Out" The song that speaks of how false this world we inhabit is and how maya has crept into every walk in society. We as the 'Khalsa' have the antidote to this disease but we are the ones that are most affected by it. From the management of our religious and political institutions and down to the way we live our own individual lives, we embrace 'Maya' and forget the very purpose we are on this earth for. If we can be brave enough to 'get out' then we would surely be in position to achieve our goals as community. 'Maya' is the very reason we are struggling to win this war against a system that is designed to suppress our souls and imprison our minds. For all those people within our own community who continue to let us down, we can bet that 'Maya' is the enchantress that is used to capture their souls. For the ones that truly liberated themselves and captured our hearts and souls throughout the history of the world. One thing they shared in common, they did not allow 'Maya' to touch them. Martin Luther King, Che Guevara, Malcom X, Black Panthers, Bhagat Singh, Muhammad Ali, Lauren Hill, Kartar Singh Saraba, Tupac Shakur, Shaheeds of 1984 and countless revolutionaries have led the way but are we brave enough to 'Get Out'. Is it the forces that work against us or is it our own weakness and desire for 'Maya' that stops us from achieving our collective goals? How do we defeat this, living in a world that is governed by a system that celebrates and worships 'Maya' (Capitalism). IMG_2751.MOV

We all don’t believe in living guru (dehdari guru’s). We believe in SRI GURU GRANTH SAHIB JI but as all sikh guru’s was (dehdari) in human being from now while debating we have to tell the other’s that dehdari or human can not be a guru after 10 guru’s. so i want to know from all of over sikh brother that where it is written by which guru ji that can not be a dehdari guru it is written in SRI GURU GRANTH SAHIB JI or any bani or any where please tell me so i can feel strong there.

The Sikh Theory of Dual Sovereignty. The three paramount aims of Nanakianism, ab initio, are: 1.) The reorientation of the individual from a base creature- a creature of the senses- to a spiritually attuned and intuitive being. 2.) The consecutive reorientation, and arraignment, of societal atrophy vis-a-vis equality and universalism. 3.) The establishment of a corporate base from whence the downtrodden and oppressed can be made to realize their status as founts of all civic authority and be steeled to resist both socio-political and politico-religious tyranny. Guru Nanak Dev Ji, the initiator of the ethos, openly decried the incumbent powers of his time who continually eschewed the fundamental rights of their subjects. A witness to both Brahminical (Caste) and Shariat (Islamic) totalitarianism, the Guru sundered his acolytes from traditional Indic spirituality which emphasized a quietist attitude towards life and mandated the spiritual seeker to retreat from societal concerns. (1) Via the Guru’s perception, both ruler and the ruled were equally culpable in the atrophy of the socio-political paradigm, ‘The emperors be insatiable beasts, their viziers be the curs. The Age is a knife, the kings be the butchers. In such darkness, the moon of morality is nowhere visible.’ (2) ‘…the subjects, blind, and devoid of knowledge divine pay bribes to satisfy their overlords’ avarice.’ (3) His was a faith which challenged the individual to offer their head, figuratively and literally, in pursuit of societal betterment and resistance in face of authoritarian oppression. (4) Rejecting the Semitic theory of man’s inherent imperfectness, in toto, the Guru bowed to his acolyte Angad and nominated him as his successor. The ideology of Nanakianism, thus, was identified as being paramount than the corporeal body. Angad who imbued it in full was transformed into Nanak II whilst his predecessor discarded his own mortal coil for the heavenly realms having laid the edifice of a Sui generis faith and nation. It was, essentially, the continuation of a revolution which in time would herald the raising of a corporate entity dedicated to challenging the might of all absolutist states and their pretensions of being the sole focal points of all dedication and loyalty. The arraignment and subsequent execution of Guru Arjan Dev Ji, Nanak V, at the hands of the theocratic Islamic Mughal state- far from altering the complexion of the Sikh faith as most modern historians contend- acted as a catalyst for Nanakianism’s rapid evolution. Acknowledging that the times were not conducive for dialogue Guru Arjan advised his successor to arm himself, and after investing himself with sovereign regalia, to raise an army and construct a seat of power. It was in the latter vein that Guru Hargobind Sahib Ji ascended the steps of the newly constructed Akal-Takhat in 1606 A.D. and, after having been coronated Guru, promulgated the principle of Miri-cum-Piri or dual sovereignty. Nanak Ihad mandated his acolytes to accept the worldly life in full and the responsibilities it entailed. Nanak VI not only renewed this mandate but explicated it in full through the concepts of Miri and Piri. This principle of dual sovereignty, fundamentally speaking, posited that the individual was the fount of all political authority and that he/she must owe their allegiance to truth and morality (5) rather than any political state. The state, as Schulse, contends cannot lay claim to absolutism and divine perfectness without forfeiting it’s right to rule as the very notion of it’s perfectness is imperfect. (6) Such a state would necessarily lay claim to the right to govern not only the bodies but also the minds of it’s subjects exclusively which is a hazardous and Orwellian notion in all respects. The unfolding of Sikh history from the 17th century onwards, then, must be analyzed in the light of the Miri-Piri doctrine in order to grasp the antagonism which the faith-cum-nation has continually displayed towards historic and post-modernist states. The salient facets of Miri-Piri, generically, stipulate that: 1.) The State is self-limited and cannot lay claim to absolute perfectness irrespective of it’s governing model. 2.) The government of any State is Primus inter paras rather than potentate as the subjects of a state are the focal points of all civic authority and not the government itself. (7) 3.) Truth and morality outweigh political prerogative(s). 4.) The State is an expression of power, it’s government the tool to exercise this power. The individual, essentially, is the fount from whence this power originates. Vis-a-vis the Khalsa, the collective body of the Sikhs, the doctrine is more explicit: 1.) The demarcation between State and Faith must be reflected in the set-up of any political entity qua the Sikhs; faith -in this case- means righteousness and when the State digresses from it the Sikhs are to initiate dialog with the powers that be or ,failing that, resort to the sword. Guru Gobind Singh Ji, Nanak X, aptly sums up this principle in his Zafarnamah: ‘When all forms of tolerance and mediation are breached, it is righteous to resort to the sword (force)…’ (8) 2.) The Sikhs, as per their own metalegal charter, must be dealt with impersonally i.e. through the aegis of impersonal law rather than arbitrary self-will. (9) 3.) The State must generically realize that it is a tool and governance is a privilege. The government is Primus inter paras and it should realize that in due course it’s perceptions will clash with those of other civil groups. It cannot lay claim to absolutism, perfectness and/or an individual’s pristine loyalty. (10) 4.) The Khalsa- corporate collective of the Sikh nation- being a body of the pristine, has been bequeathed the sovereignty of both the spiritual and temporal realms. When dealing with it, the State cannot atomize it into singular figures vis-a-vis political policy. (11) Following protracted discussions with Bahadur Shah, the fanatical Aurangzeb’s successor, Guru Gobind Singh Ji initiated the occultist Madho Dass into the Khalsa and re-named him Banda Singh Bahadur. Bahadur, now reformed from his ascetic ways, was dispatched to the Punjab as Commander-In-Chief of the Khalsa forces; his mandate, if put simply, was to avenge the atrocities committed on the Guru’s Sikhs and pave the way for Halemi-Raaj or a just State. Parleys with Bahadur Shah had been blocked by the latter himself who was unwilling to efface his predecessor’s bigoted Shariat policies leading to the realization of the Guru’s above mentioned maxim. (12) Banda Singh and the Khalsa vanguard broke the Mughals’, otherwise, tenacious grip on the Punjab through a protracted guerrilla war in which they were supported by the Punjabi peasantry. In 1710 A.D. a coalition of the Khalsa and the peasantry succeeded in annihilating the Mughal bastion of Sirhind and over-running it. Declaring the commencement of Sikh reign, as a result, the Khalsa minted coins with the herald: ‘Triumphant, the Khalsa asserts it’s sovereignty in both the worlds seen and unseen.’ (13) Weathering a century long persecution, the Sikhs stuck to their guns until they ultimately succeeded in establishing the Halemi-Raaj envisioned by their Gurus. During the darker days of their existence they were offered many respites by their persecutors. The Afghani hordes, lead by Ahmad Shah Durrani, offered them a treaty on condition of them accepting vassalage. Taking affront, the Khalsa blatantly refused and continued it’s crusade against the foreign aggressors. Ratan Singh Bhangu describes the prevailing Sikh spirit thus: ‘…the Khalsa, then, replied: “who has ever bestowed political power for the asking?” There is no meeting ground between the Turks and the Singhs…’ (14) Vassalage was never-and never will be- the Khalsa ideal; full sovereignty is the Khalsa’s aim for the implementation of Halemi-Raaj. The question which naturally emerges, here, is that how does the principle of Miri-Piri correspond with current political setups? Let us analyze the four current political state setups viz the welfare state, the communist state, the modern democratic state and the theocratic state to answer this query. The welfare state, as described by S. Kapur Singh, consists of four elements namely: 1.) Ubiquitous responsibility for providing equal opportunity to all constituents irrespective of prior/present situation(s). (15) 2.) Ubiquitous responsibility for providing equal financial security for the aged, infirm etc. 3.) Ubiquitous responsibility for implementing and collating taxes in order to reduce the margin between the “haves” and “have not’s.” 4.) Ubiquitous responsibility for utilizing all available resources. Welfare, as a political principle, however is a welfare state’s main leverage in imposing upon the individual. When one of the aforementioned elements are accepted, the others naturally follow. (16) This model of state, then, posits a quid pro quo formulation where slavery is the price of security. (17) Once this formulation is placed in the hands of the power-hungry, the subjects are logically rendered apolitical. Welfarism, as a political philosophy, is best summarized by Aristotle in his description of tyranny: ‘the humility of the subjects; the disunity of subjects, and consecutively, the inability of the subjects to unite…’ (18) Nanakianism, though emphasizing universal welfare, differs radically from the current mode of Welfare i.e. the welfare state. True welfare, on an universal scale, cannot be imposed externally but only achieved via the internal transformation of an individual; (19) for this particular reason, Miri-Piri does not correspond with the welfare state. The communist state, seemingly flawless in theory, posits the supremacy of the state vis-a-vis the individual and the latter’s loyalty. Speaking historically, communist states have continually followed a generic trend: 1.) The notions of equality and fairness are translated into the daily economic life of the proletariat. 2.) Complications arise and a governing group arises which captures power. 3.) Eventually falling to corruption, the communist government assumes the mantle of the state and vice versa. 4.) The state-cum-government being the sole master of all economy, all dissent is brutally suppressed. Akin to any other political model, the individual is sacrificed for the good of the government. (20) Owing to it’s swift and logical devolution towards totalitarianism, communism by no means can coexist with Miri-Piri. The modern democratic state, laudable for it’s constitutional principles, is anathema to Miri-Piri as it represents a centralized form of political supremacy i.e. a ‘one man, one vote’ (21) system of governance. Though paying lip service to the rights of minorities, the modern democratic state annuls their very existence by cutting down on their representation vis-a-vis political administration. The recent history of the Sikhs, in independent India, reflects the inherent failings of modern democracy in toto. Outnumbered, the minority is often forcefully subsumed by a bellicose majority with democratic institutions often acting as legal ratifiers of the latter course of action. Owing to it’s basis in the Sikh faith, it is often assumed (mistakenly) that Miri-Piri envisions a theocratic state along the lines of the Islamic caliphate etc. The theocratic state, or political theophany, promulgates the unity of religion as being a prerequisite for the unity and continuity of the state. This unity is achieved on the basis of the motto, cuius regis eius religio or let my ruler’s faith be my faith. (22) Simultaneously, theocracy also emphasizes the salvation of the subject’s soul as it is believed that the true purpose of all political activity is to be found in the next world and not this one. (23) Nanakianism perceives this world as being real thus opposing the very basis of theocracy. Secondly, it does not permit the implementation of cuius regis eius religio as it believes in the freedom of conscience out of which arises an individual’s civic power. The relentless rebellion which the Sikh launched against the Indo-Islamic/Hindu polity, thus, was essentially an attempt at effacing political theophany and undoing the tyranny of the theocratic state. Miri-Piri, if it is to be summarized appositely, emphasizes the socio-spiritual freedom of the individual which is constantly in danger of being suppressed by the state. The Sikh aphorism, baagi or badshah; rebel or ruler is essentially the faith’s answer to all such states who coerce the individual into a subtle slavery of sorts vis-a-vis the continuation of power and the extinction of all non-conformity. A proud people, the Sikhs have rarely tolerated state encroachment on their rights. The maxim Raaj Karega Khalsa not only sums up their principle of dual sovereignty but also acknowledges the prime role which polity plays in the day-to-day life of individuals. As such, any atrophy in the political paradigm can only be arraigned if the individual recognizes his true worth; this is why, then, the Sikhs have continually been a thorn in the sides of all powers who have ever had the misfortune to cross swords with them. Sources: (1) Sri Gur Panth Prakash, vol. i, S. Gurtej Singh (2015); pg. xx-xxi. (2) ASGGS, referenced in Political Attitude of Guru Nanak, Balwant Singh Dhillon; quoted in Journal of Sikh Studies. (3) ASGGS; quoted by Macauliffe, vol. i, pg. 232. (4) Martyrdom in Sikhism, Institute of Sikh Studies (2004); edited by Dr. Kharak Singh, pg. 61-paper presented by Brig-Gen. (retd) Hardit Singh. (5) Singh K; Theo-political Status of Sri Darbar Sahib. Article accessed from Sikhsiyasat.net. (6) Deutsches Staatstecht, vol. i, sec 16; referenced by Singh K in Theo-political Status of Sri Darbar Sahib. (7) Ibid. (8) Zafarnamah, Sri Dasam Granth Sahib. (9) See Singh K; Theo-political Status of Sri Darbar Sahib. (10) Ibid. (11) Ibid. (12) Habib I; Guru Gobind Singh and the Sikhs of the Khalsa: Reports from Bahadur Shah’s Court, 1707-1710.’ (13) Though different historians provide different transliterations, the essence is virtually the same- the Khalsa rules supreme in both the spiritual and temporal realms as represented by the cauldron (charity/spiritualism) and temporality as represented by the sword. (14) Sri Gur Panth Prakash, vol. ii, transliterated by Gurtej Singh, pg. 921. (15) Singh K; Sikhism for the Modern Man, pg. 74-75. (16) Ibid. (17) Ibid, pg. 76. (18) Accessed from http://www2.idehist.uu.se/distans/ilmh/Ren/flor-mach-aristotle-tyrant.htm (19) Sikhism for the Modern Man, pg. 75-76. (20) Ibid. (21) Ibid, pg. 78. (22) Ibid. (23) Ibid. Accessed from: https://tisarpanthdotcom.wordpress.com/2017/08/06/of-miri-and-piri/

Waheguru ji ka Khalsa Waheguru ji ki fateh A veer ji was asking about Amrit Sanchar coming up in Uk , here's details of a sanchar coming up

I believe that, in more ways than one, this article might act as a potential eye-opener vis-a-vis the fall of Sikh Raaj. To quote an excerpt: 'The hidebound state which both the Hindu and Islamic doxas’ envision run on the concurrence of the power-wielder and it’s brokers viz. the Brahmin(s) or the Ulama. The socio-legal concepts devised, and implemented, in the Shastras and Shari’a are designed to keep the proletariat in check from whom the danger of mutiny is ever-constant. To shatter this inimical nexus of Babur (the state) and Bipar (religious hypocrisy), Guru Nanak Dev Ji laid the ideological foundations of the Khalsa which were later made manifest by his nine successors. On his deathbed, in 1708 A.D., the tenth Nanak enjoined the Khalsa to ‘march towards stability and enduring prosperity by renouncing dogmatic traditionalism and the writ of any sacerdotal class…’ (17) The Sikh Gurus, doubtless, were well aware of the sub-continental past. Empire after empire had followed one another to the grave and politico-religious oppression had confined the proletariat to the merciless whims of his superiors. Political impermanence had arisen out of either theocracy or Caesaropapism relegating many a kingdom to oblivion. The medieval epoch, in the sub-continental context, was marked by the rise and fall of various polities namely the Maurya and Gupta empires; the Harsha empire confined to the north; the Pala empires in Bengal and Behar and so forth. (18) With the Khalsa being inherently equal, the birth of any sacerdotal class was well arrested whilst a quasi-democratic outlook was bequeathed to the body vis-a-vis it’s political approach. The question remains, was this outlook ever implemented?' https://tisarpanthdotcom.wordpress.com/2017/06/06/raj/

Why did many of the gurus keep horses. What was the reason for this. I know guru hargobind sahib said that sikhs now need horses and weapons but what was the reason

Thakur Dalip Namdhari did Amrit Sanchar (Baptise) by Amritdhari women to flourish amritdhari community. is it wrong or right ? Yesterday Akal Takht Sahib has announced that they will conduct meeting of 5 jathedhars on 5th May against women empowerment step taken by namdhari head Thakur Dalip Singh, Thakur Dalip Singh has given rights of Amrit Chhakauna ( Baptise ) to Sikh Women. Thakur Dalip has taken step by authorizing amritdhari women to give amrit (Baptise) others for the seek of practical equality of women in Sikhs religion. He said according to gurbani and Sikh philosophy women are equal. If women can take Amrit then after being amridhari women why they cannot give amrit to others. His aim is to baptise more and more women. To achieve this goal he says women are influenced more by women than men. Therefore we should authorized women also to baptise (distribute Amrit). Now some people objected openly and started propaganda against this step of women authorization of distributing Amrit (baptising). They have approached Akal Takht sahib against this women empowerment. Now I request all you learnt people to give your views to clarify this point. Has Dalip Singh committed sin by authorizing women to give Amrit to others? or he has done a good deed by authorizing women. For information of all readers Sikh rehat maryada published by Sharomani committee approved by Akal Takhat sahib on page 20. It is clearly written that women can give Amrit (Baptise).

According to Akal Takhat Maryada they give right to women that women can also amrit pahul.