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  1. We all don’t believe in living guru (dehdari guru’s). We believe in SRI GURU GRANTH SAHIB JI but as all sikh guru’s was (dehdari) in human being from now while debating we have to tell the other’s that dehdari or human can not be a guru after 10 guru’s. so i want to know from all of over sikh brother that where it is written by which guru ji that can not be a dehdari guru it is written in SRI GURU GRANTH SAHIB JI or any bani or any where please tell me so i can feel strong there.
  2. The Sikh Theory of Dual Sovereignty. The three paramount aims of Nanakianism, ab initio, are: 1.) The reorientation of the individual from a base creature- a creature of the senses- to a spiritually attuned and intuitive being. 2.) The consecutive reorientation, and arraignment, of societal atrophy vis-a-vis equality and universalism. 3.) The establishment of a corporate base from whence the downtrodden and oppressed can be made to realize their status as founts of all civic authority and be steeled to resist both socio-political and politico-religious tyranny. Guru Nanak Dev Ji, the initiator of the ethos, openly decried the incumbent powers of his time who continually eschewed the fundamental rights of their subjects. A witness to both Brahminical (Caste) and Shariat (Islamic) totalitarianism, the Guru sundered his acolytes from traditional Indic spirituality which emphasized a quietist attitude towards life and mandated the spiritual seeker to retreat from societal concerns. (1) Via the Guru’s perception, both ruler and the ruled were equally culpable in the atrophy of the socio-political paradigm, ‘The emperors be insatiable beasts, their viziers be the curs. The Age is a knife, the kings be the butchers. In such darkness, the moon of morality is nowhere visible.’ (2) ‘…the subjects, blind, and devoid of knowledge divine pay bribes to satisfy their overlords’ avarice.’ (3) His was a faith which challenged the individual to offer their head, figuratively and literally, in pursuit of societal betterment and resistance in face of authoritarian oppression. (4) Rejecting the Semitic theory of man’s inherent imperfectness, in toto, the Guru bowed to his acolyte Angad and nominated him as his successor. The ideology of Nanakianism, thus, was identified as being paramount than the corporeal body. Angad who imbued it in full was transformed into Nanak II whilst his predecessor discarded his own mortal coil for the heavenly realms having laid the edifice of a Sui generis faith and nation. It was, essentially, the continuation of a revolution which in time would herald the raising of a corporate entity dedicated to challenging the might of all absolutist states and their pretensions of being the sole focal points of all dedication and loyalty. The arraignment and subsequent execution of Guru Arjan Dev Ji, Nanak V, at the hands of the theocratic Islamic Mughal state- far from altering the complexion of the Sikh faith as most modern historians contend- acted as a catalyst for Nanakianism’s rapid evolution. Acknowledging that the times were not conducive for dialogue Guru Arjan advised his successor to arm himself, and after investing himself with sovereign regalia, to raise an army and construct a seat of power. It was in the latter vein that Guru Hargobind Sahib Ji ascended the steps of the newly constructed Akal-Takhat in 1606 A.D. and, after having been coronated Guru, promulgated the principle of Miri-cum-Piri or dual sovereignty. Nanak Ihad mandated his acolytes to accept the worldly life in full and the responsibilities it entailed. Nanak VI not only renewed this mandate but explicated it in full through the concepts of Miri and Piri. This principle of dual sovereignty, fundamentally speaking, posited that the individual was the fount of all political authority and that he/she must owe their allegiance to truth and morality (5) rather than any political state. The state, as Schulse, contends cannot lay claim to absolutism and divine perfectness without forfeiting it’s right to rule as the very notion of it’s perfectness is imperfect. (6) Such a state would necessarily lay claim to the right to govern not only the bodies but also the minds of it’s subjects exclusively which is a hazardous and Orwellian notion in all respects. The unfolding of Sikh history from the 17th century onwards, then, must be analyzed in the light of the Miri-Piri doctrine in order to grasp the antagonism which the faith-cum-nation has continually displayed towards historic and post-modernist states. The salient facets of Miri-Piri, generically, stipulate that: 1.) The State is self-limited and cannot lay claim to absolute perfectness irrespective of it’s governing model. 2.) The government of any State is Primus inter paras rather than potentate as the subjects of a state are the focal points of all civic authority and not the government itself. (7) 3.) Truth and morality outweigh political prerogative(s). 4.) The State is an expression of power, it’s government the tool to exercise this power. The individual, essentially, is the fount from whence this power originates. Vis-a-vis the Khalsa, the collective body of the Sikhs, the doctrine is more explicit: 1.) The demarcation between State and Faith must be reflected in the set-up of any political entity qua the Sikhs; faith -in this case- means righteousness and when the State digresses from it the Sikhs are to initiate dialog with the powers that be or ,failing that, resort to the sword. Guru Gobind Singh Ji, Nanak X, aptly sums up this principle in his Zafarnamah: ‘When all forms of tolerance and mediation are breached, it is righteous to resort to the sword (force)…’ (8) 2.) The Sikhs, as per their own metalegal charter, must be dealt with impersonally i.e. through the aegis of impersonal law rather than arbitrary self-will. (9) 3.) The State must generically realize that it is a tool and governance is a privilege. The government is Primus inter paras and it should realize that in due course it’s perceptions will clash with those of other civil groups. It cannot lay claim to absolutism, perfectness and/or an individual’s pristine loyalty. (10) 4.) The Khalsa- corporate collective of the Sikh nation- being a body of the pristine, has been bequeathed the sovereignty of both the spiritual and temporal realms. When dealing with it, the State cannot atomize it into singular figures vis-a-vis political policy. (11) Following protracted discussions with Bahadur Shah, the fanatical Aurangzeb’s successor, Guru Gobind Singh Ji initiated the occultist Madho Dass into the Khalsa and re-named him Banda Singh Bahadur. Bahadur, now reformed from his ascetic ways, was dispatched to the Punjab as Commander-In-Chief of the Khalsa forces; his mandate, if put simply, was to avenge the atrocities committed on the Guru’s Sikhs and pave the way for Halemi-Raaj or a just State. Parleys with Bahadur Shah had been blocked by the latter himself who was unwilling to efface his predecessor’s bigoted Shariat policies leading to the realization of the Guru’s above mentioned maxim. (12) Banda Singh and the Khalsa vanguard broke the Mughals’, otherwise, tenacious grip on the Punjab through a protracted guerrilla war in which they were supported by the Punjabi peasantry. In 1710 A.D. a coalition of the Khalsa and the peasantry succeeded in annihilating the Mughal bastion of Sirhind and over-running it. Declaring the commencement of Sikh reign, as a result, the Khalsa minted coins with the herald: ‘Triumphant, the Khalsa asserts it’s sovereignty in both the worlds seen and unseen.’ (13) Weathering a century long persecution, the Sikhs stuck to their guns until they ultimately succeeded in establishing the Halemi-Raaj envisioned by their Gurus. During the darker days of their existence they were offered many respites by their persecutors. The Afghani hordes, lead by Ahmad Shah Durrani, offered them a treaty on condition of them accepting vassalage. Taking affront, the Khalsa blatantly refused and continued it’s crusade against the foreign aggressors. Ratan Singh Bhangu describes the prevailing Sikh spirit thus: ‘…the Khalsa, then, replied: “who has ever bestowed political power for the asking?” There is no meeting ground between the Turks and the Singhs…’ (14) Vassalage was never-and never will be- the Khalsa ideal; full sovereignty is the Khalsa’s aim for the implementation of Halemi-Raaj. The question which naturally emerges, here, is that how does the principle of Miri-Piri correspond with current political setups? Let us analyze the four current political state setups viz the welfare state, the communist state, the modern democratic state and the theocratic state to answer this query. The welfare state, as described by S. Kapur Singh, consists of four elements namely: 1.) Ubiquitous responsibility for providing equal opportunity to all constituents irrespective of prior/present situation(s). (15) 2.) Ubiquitous responsibility for providing equal financial security for the aged, infirm etc. 3.) Ubiquitous responsibility for implementing and collating taxes in order to reduce the margin between the “haves” and “have not’s.” 4.) Ubiquitous responsibility for utilizing all available resources. Welfare, as a political principle, however is a welfare state’s main leverage in imposing upon the individual. When one of the aforementioned elements are accepted, the others naturally follow. (16) This model of state, then, posits a quid pro quo formulation where slavery is the price of security. (17) Once this formulation is placed in the hands of the power-hungry, the subjects are logically rendered apolitical. Welfarism, as a political philosophy, is best summarized by Aristotle in his description of tyranny: ‘the humility of the subjects; the disunity of subjects, and consecutively, the inability of the subjects to unite…’ (18) Nanakianism, though emphasizing universal welfare, differs radically from the current mode of Welfare i.e. the welfare state. True welfare, on an universal scale, cannot be imposed externally but only achieved via the internal transformation of an individual; (19) for this particular reason, Miri-Piri does not correspond with the welfare state. The communist state, seemingly flawless in theory, posits the supremacy of the state vis-a-vis the individual and the latter’s loyalty. Speaking historically, communist states have continually followed a generic trend: 1.) The notions of equality and fairness are translated into the daily economic life of the proletariat. 2.) Complications arise and a governing group arises which captures power. 3.) Eventually falling to corruption, the communist government assumes the mantle of the state and vice versa. 4.) The state-cum-government being the sole master of all economy, all dissent is brutally suppressed. Akin to any other political model, the individual is sacrificed for the good of the government. (20) Owing to it’s swift and logical devolution towards totalitarianism, communism by no means can coexist with Miri-Piri. The modern democratic state, laudable for it’s constitutional principles, is anathema to Miri-Piri as it represents a centralized form of political supremacy i.e. a ‘one man, one vote’ (21) system of governance. Though paying lip service to the rights of minorities, the modern democratic state annuls their very existence by cutting down on their representation vis-a-vis political administration. The recent history of the Sikhs, in independent India, reflects the inherent failings of modern democracy in toto. Outnumbered, the minority is often forcefully subsumed by a bellicose majority with democratic institutions often acting as legal ratifiers of the latter course of action. Owing to it’s basis in the Sikh faith, it is often assumed (mistakenly) that Miri-Piri envisions a theocratic state along the lines of the Islamic caliphate etc. The theocratic state, or political theophany, promulgates the unity of religion as being a prerequisite for the unity and continuity of the state. This unity is achieved on the basis of the motto, cuius regis eius religio or let my ruler’s faith be my faith. (22) Simultaneously, theocracy also emphasizes the salvation of the subject’s soul as it is believed that the true purpose of all political activity is to be found in the next world and not this one. (23) Nanakianism perceives this world as being real thus opposing the very basis of theocracy. Secondly, it does not permit the implementation of cuius regis eius religio as it believes in the freedom of conscience out of which arises an individual’s civic power. The relentless rebellion which the Sikh launched against the Indo-Islamic/Hindu polity, thus, was essentially an attempt at effacing political theophany and undoing the tyranny of the theocratic state. Miri-Piri, if it is to be summarized appositely, emphasizes the socio-spiritual freedom of the individual which is constantly in danger of being suppressed by the state. The Sikh aphorism, baagi or badshah; rebel or ruler is essentially the faith’s answer to all such states who coerce the individual into a subtle slavery of sorts vis-a-vis the continuation of power and the extinction of all non-conformity. A proud people, the Sikhs have rarely tolerated state encroachment on their rights. The maxim Raaj Karega Khalsa not only sums up their principle of dual sovereignty but also acknowledges the prime role which polity plays in the day-to-day life of individuals. As such, any atrophy in the political paradigm can only be arraigned if the individual recognizes his true worth; this is why, then, the Sikhs have continually been a thorn in the sides of all powers who have ever had the misfortune to cross swords with them. Sources: (1) Sri Gur Panth Prakash, vol. i, S. Gurtej Singh (2015); pg. xx-xxi. (2) ASGGS, referenced in Political Attitude of Guru Nanak, Balwant Singh Dhillon; quoted in Journal of Sikh Studies. (3) ASGGS; quoted by Macauliffe, vol. i, pg. 232. (4) Martyrdom in Sikhism, Institute of Sikh Studies (2004); edited by Dr. Kharak Singh, pg. 61-paper presented by Brig-Gen. (retd) Hardit Singh. (5) Singh K; Theo-political Status of Sri Darbar Sahib. Article accessed from Sikhsiyasat.net. (6) Deutsches Staatstecht, vol. i, sec 16; referenced by Singh K in Theo-political Status of Sri Darbar Sahib. (7) Ibid. (8) Zafarnamah, Sri Dasam Granth Sahib. (9) See Singh K; Theo-political Status of Sri Darbar Sahib. (10) Ibid. (11) Ibid. (12) Habib I; Guru Gobind Singh and the Sikhs of the Khalsa: Reports from Bahadur Shah’s Court, 1707-1710.’ (13) Though different historians provide different transliterations, the essence is virtually the same- the Khalsa rules supreme in both the spiritual and temporal realms as represented by the cauldron (charity/spiritualism) and temporality as represented by the sword. (14) Sri Gur Panth Prakash, vol. ii, transliterated by Gurtej Singh, pg. 921. (15) Singh K; Sikhism for the Modern Man, pg. 74-75. (16) Ibid. (17) Ibid, pg. 76. (18) Accessed from http://www2.idehist.uu.se/distans/ilmh/Ren/flor-mach-aristotle-tyrant.htm (19) Sikhism for the Modern Man, pg. 75-76. (20) Ibid. (21) Ibid, pg. 78. (22) Ibid. (23) Ibid. Accessed from: https://tisarpanthdotcom.wordpress.com/2017/08/06/of-miri-and-piri/
  3. Waheguru ji ka Khalsa Waheguru ji ki fateh A veer ji was asking about Amrit Sanchar coming up in Uk , here's details of a sanchar coming up
  4. I believe that, in more ways than one, this article might act as a potential eye-opener vis-a-vis the fall of Sikh Raaj. To quote an excerpt: 'The hidebound state which both the Hindu and Islamic doxas’ envision run on the concurrence of the power-wielder and it’s brokers viz. the Brahmin(s) or the Ulama. The socio-legal concepts devised, and implemented, in the Shastras and Shari’a are designed to keep the proletariat in check from whom the danger of mutiny is ever-constant. To shatter this inimical nexus of Babur (the state) and Bipar (religious hypocrisy), Guru Nanak Dev Ji laid the ideological foundations of the Khalsa which were later made manifest by his nine successors. On his deathbed, in 1708 A.D., the tenth Nanak enjoined the Khalsa to ‘march towards stability and enduring prosperity by renouncing dogmatic traditionalism and the writ of any sacerdotal class…’ (17) The Sikh Gurus, doubtless, were well aware of the sub-continental past. Empire after empire had followed one another to the grave and politico-religious oppression had confined the proletariat to the merciless whims of his superiors. Political impermanence had arisen out of either theocracy or Caesaropapism relegating many a kingdom to oblivion. The medieval epoch, in the sub-continental context, was marked by the rise and fall of various polities namely the Maurya and Gupta empires; the Harsha empire confined to the north; the Pala empires in Bengal and Behar and so forth. (18) With the Khalsa being inherently equal, the birth of any sacerdotal class was well arrested whilst a quasi-democratic outlook was bequeathed to the body vis-a-vis it’s political approach. The question remains, was this outlook ever implemented?' https://tisarpanthdotcom.wordpress.com/2017/06/06/raj/
  5. According to Akal Takhat Maryada they give right to women that women can also amrit pahul.
  6. Thakur Dalip Namdhari did Amrit Sanchar (Baptise) by Amritdhari women to flourish amritdhari community. is it wrong or right ? Yesterday Akal Takht Sahib has announced that they will conduct meeting of 5 jathedhars on 5th May against women empowerment step taken by namdhari head Thakur Dalip Singh, Thakur Dalip Singh has given rights of Amrit Chhakauna ( Baptise ) to Sikh Women. Thakur Dalip has taken step by authorizing amritdhari women to give amrit (Baptise) others for the seek of practical equality of women in Sikhs religion. He said according to gurbani and Sikh philosophy women are equal. If women can take Amrit then after being amridhari women why they cannot give amrit to others. His aim is to baptise more and more women. To achieve this goal he says women are influenced more by women than men. Therefore we should authorized women also to baptise (distribute Amrit). Now some people objected openly and started propaganda against this step of women authorization of distributing Amrit (baptising). They have approached Akal Takht sahib against this women empowerment. Now I request all you learnt people to give your views to clarify this point. Has Dalip Singh committed sin by authorizing women to give Amrit to others? or he has done a good deed by authorizing women. For information of all readers Sikh rehat maryada published by Sharomani committee approved by Akal Takhat sahib on page 20. It is clearly written that women can give Amrit (Baptise).
  7. Why did many of the gurus keep horses. What was the reason for this. I know guru hargobind sahib said that sikhs now need horses and weapons but what was the reason
  8. Wjkk wjkf. Is the environment more important to sikhs then to be thyar bar thyar (ready upon ready). Now it is no question every sikh, Whether they are a singh or singhni, should keep shastars on them, such as the kirpan which dasm patshah gave us, and encourage brothers and sisters to even buy a gun and be trained in the use of guns and other martial arts (including gatka). But the guru sahib also told us to keep and train in korsvari or horseback so we can use this skill in battle. The modern equivelant of a horse (because horses would be useless in todays conflicts)for battle would be a jeep. But the environmental impacts of the jeep from its emissions damage the earth and lead to global warming. So is it better to get a more fuel efficient vehicle and care for the environment and sacrafice staying thyar bar thyar with a jeep. An example of this is guru hargobind sahib ji and guru har rai sahib ji. Guru hargobind sab ji started miri piri making us saints and then soldiers. And as saints we should take care of our surrounding environment. Or the story of how guru har rai sahib jis palla hit and broke a rose head and guru hargobind sahib ji said play and walk carefully and do not destroy gods creation. I just wanted to know what the khalsa panth thought about this idea, should sikhs stay thyar bar thyar and get vehicles like jeeps even with the impact of the environment or should sikhs be more environmentally friendly with the sacrifice of being thyar bar thyar. Bulla chuka kehma muaf. Wjkk wjkf
  9. Guest

    Sikh ideas vs mercenaries

    Does the sikh panth or any of the guruscondem the use of mercenaries in the khalsa army, or did they say that my sikh shoulf never be a mercenary. I know guru sahibs have had many conflicts with mercenary forces and that guru gobind singh attemptwd assassination happened by mercenaries. But is there anything wrong for a sikh to become a mercenary
  10. I forewarn you, some Jathebandi fanboys will find this insulting: The Five Kakkars. Tradition expounds that when the valorous Bhai Jaita brought Guru Teghbahadur Ji’s head to the young Guru Gobind Rai, the latter Guru exhorted emotional restraint. After debriefing Jaita as to the situation in Delhi, where the senior Guru was martyred, the Guru inquired as to the numeric presence of the Sikhs in the city. Jaita replied that though many were present, no conspicuous markers distinguished them from other non-Sikh citizens as long hair was retained by a majority of citizens irrespective of religious denomination. (1) Stolid, the Guru pledged to bequeath such a form to the Sikhs that they would be recognized even in millions! This form was ultimately made manifest in 1699 A.D. upon the creation of the Khalsa with the addition of four distinctive symbols to the physicality of all initiates. (2) Owing to the inherent factionalism of the present-day Sikh orthodoxy, and the corruption of the faith’s academia, features as conspicuous as the Five Kakkars are rarely elaborated upon. The latter are composed of the following: The Kesh- Unshorn Hair. The Kach- Stitched Drawers. The Kirpan- A Dagger. The Kangha- A comb worn exclusively in the hair and/or tied as an accessory to the Kirpan. The Kara- An Iron bracelet worn on the right forearm and/or on both forearms. The prime purpose of the Ks was to demarcate the Sikhs, on ideological lines, from non-Sikhs. Nanakianism, since inception, had placed an uncompromising emphasis upon societal living. Prior, or contemporary, faiths had separated the individual from his/her society on religio-political grounds. Prior Indic faiths-under the rubric of Hindu and composed of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism– perceived the world as an illusion and hence worthy of renunciation. The acolyte was enjoined to deprive himself of worldly pleasures and seek salvation in limitless solitude. Divorce from society, and it’s corollaries, was perceived as the only authentic means of Moksha or salvation. (3) Any attempts at societal betterment, in the case of Hinduism, was to be only attempted when the institute of Varnashrama Dharma (Caste) was physically threatened. (4) Krishna’s command, to Arjuna, on this point is quite illumining as the Demi-God states Caste to be a Divine creation which should be preserved through force if necessary. (5) Islam, a non-Indic faith and of Arabic origin, did not possess any concept of the separation of Church and State. (6) It’s prime aim was to engineer a global state which was fully Islamic in nature and where non-conformism to the state ethos, by default, was treason. ‘the toleration of any sect outside the fold of Orthodox Islam is no better than compounding with sin… The conversion of the entire population to Islam and the extinction of every form of dissent is the ideal of the Muslim state.’ (7) Brohi’s words, on the matter, are more profound: ‘Islam views the world as though it were bipolarized in two opposing camps- Darul-Salam (Islam) facing Darul-Harb- the first one is submissive to the Lord in co-operating with God’s purpose… The second one, on the other hand, is engaged in perpetuating defiance of the same Lord (by the rejection of Islam; interjection ours)…’ (8) This binarism is justified on the following ideological grounds: ‘…The extension of Muslim rule is objectively justified as the duty to spread the Superior truth which, as a way of life, can be fully realized only under a Muslim administration.’ (9) The realization and preservation of the Caliphate is the Summum Bonum of the Islamic faith and Muslims are forbidden to, in the words of the apologist Adeeba, ‘physically revolt or rebel against the ruler, be he righteous or tyrannical…’ (10) Husayn al- Quwatli expounds the following: ‘…the Muslim cannot take a disinterested position vis-a-vis the state… Either the ruler is Muslim and the rule Islamic, then he will be content with the state and support it, or the ruler non-Muslim and the rule non-Islamic, then he rejects it, opposes it and works to abolish it, gently or forcibly, openly or secretly…’ (11) Summarily, both the Hindu tradition and Islam enjoined an adherent to achieve a certain mode of statehood at the expense of the non-conformist. For the Hindu (in a religio-political sense), any attempts at eradicating or influencing the Varna structure was anathema whereas for the Muslim any attempts at change where taboo where a Muslim polity was involved. The individual was, effectively, divorced from the socio-political field under one pretext or another and socio-politically rendered impotent. (12) The Sikh Position: It was seen fit by Guru Nanak Dev Ji, and his nine successors, to emphasize upon the socio-political/religio-political field and the latters’ corollaries. To this end the Sikh was enjoined to better his/herself and subsequently their environment. (13) The evolution of the faith was initially foreseen by the first Guru and successively realized by the subsequent nine. Given it’s ethos, it was necessary to physically distinguish the appearance of a Sikh from his non-Sikh fellows. The Sikh Gurus did not discriminate on any individual basis, but were opposed to the inefficacious tenets of other faiths. The Sikh was intended to stand out as a salient ensign of his/her precepts in opposition to the latter. (14) To this end, in 1699 A.D., the tenth Guru revamped the Sikh initiation ceremony of the Charan Pahul Amrit and bequeathed four additional symbols to all acolytes. (15) Let us now scrutinize the two common contentions advanced against the retaining of these Kakkars. 1.) The Kakkars were never five in number. Historic texts mention only three ,the “tre-mudra,” the latter two symbols were introduced by the Singh-Sabha. 2.) The Kakkars are related to Hindu religiosity and hence hold no distinctive symbolism, Per se, for the Sikhs and should be treated only as temporary markers. Their continuation is only a corollary of the Singh-Sabha movement. It must be noted that the above contentions are, if put candidly, the result of an ossified and otherwise obsolete academia which can be classified as either Assimilative or Mcleodian. Given the political leanings of many Sikh academics, Assimilative academicians promulgate the view that the Sikhs are not distinctive from the greater Hindu society and only an ideological offshoot. The general recourse, in their works, is to accuse the Occident of introducing the concept of self-defining identity in the sub-continental psyche. If their respective criterion is applied to Hinduism, the so-called parent faith, it emerges then that even the latter is an Occident creation vis-a-vis self-definition. (16) Mcleodian (the nomenclature being credited to the subjective intellectual Mcleod) academics opine that the Sikhs are an evolutionary corollary of prior spiritual movements and hence nothing new. Both classes ignore sources pointing to the contrary and advance their own subjective assertions in lieu of any substantive evidence. Contention One: The initial mention of the Tre Mudra is found in the Sri Sarbloh Granth, a secondary scripture generally credited to Guru Gobind Singh Ji although some compositions are said to be post-Guru era additions. (17) ‘The Righteous path of the Khalsa proliferates. It’s form is truth, liberation and auspicious deed. Retaining Kach, Kesh and Kirpan they pay obeisance to the (true) Guru. Worshipers of Kaal, they tread the way of the warrior (kshatriya) and fight in the vanguard. Among them forty-five were accepted, and five were acknowledged as being supreme among the Khalsa. The beloved Ajit Singh, Jujhar Singh, Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh. The fifth was the true Guru who manifested the Panth.’ (18) Non-scriptural sources, generally historic texts, also mention the Tre-Mudra. A number of scholars believe that the Tre are placed in a context different to what the Ks are contextualized in. Orthodox traditionalists believe the Khalsa, the ultimate form of a Sikh, to be timeless. This, again, is verified by the Sri Sarbloh Granth: ‘By the command of the Timeless One, the Khalsa was manifested in the form of sacred Sages. With unshorn hair, from the top to the toe-nail, the Khalsa is both Saint and Warrior…’ (19) S. Kapur Singh’s research, based on the accounts of Megasthenes, indicates that a strong republican current (as found within the Sikh socio-political framework) existed upon the sub-continent in around circa 330 B.C. (20) Several such polities existed and/or bordered the modern day Punjab with the most prominent being the Kathians and the Sophytes or Sanbhutis. (21) Whilst retreating from the sub-continent, by way of modern Balochistan, Alexander encountered the Oxydrakais – Kshudras– and the Malloi, or the Mallavas. These peoples were essentially governed by republican institutes and fielded a coalition 100,000 strong to ward off the invader. (22) His next encounters were with the Xathroi and subsequently the Musicani. (23) Panini, an academic at 6th century Taxila, describes these polities-ganas– in passing as being ayudhyajivinis or arms-bearing. (24) S. Kapur Singh is of the opinion that these ganas were the socio-political ancestors of the Sikh framework. Historicity evidences that their citizens were defined by the the bearing of arms as a means of socio-political autonomy. (25) The Musicani, as per Megasthenes, also ate from a common kitchen and entertained no distinction within themselves. (26) The question now arises, are the Kangha and Kara Singh-Sabha innovations? Let us approach the matter via the aid of historic sources themselves. Mann & Singh substantiate that extant manuscripts of the Dasam Granth contain the, now excised, composition of Nishan-i-Sikhi. (27) Pandit Narain Singh’s exegesis of the scripture, published in 1932, evidences the composition to be a part of the Asfotak Kabit(t) Sv(w)aiye. Some scholars contend the composition to be the work of the sophist Bhai Nand Lal, but the syntax of the subject matches that of Guru Gobind Singh Ji’s other works. (28) ‘These five letters beginning with K are the emblems of Sikhism. A Sikh can never be excused from the great five Ks. The Bangle, Sword, Shorts, and a Comb. Without unshorn hair the other lot of symbols are of no significance…’ (29) It is also prudent to note that historic Rehitnamahs, which mention the Tre Mudra, are also agreed that a Sikh should retain the Kangha to keep the Kesh well kempt and a Kara as a Vini Shastra- wrist weapon. (30) Jagir Singh, an amateur collector of Sikh antiquities, believes that the Tre Mudra encompass the other two Kakkars by default. ‘Guru Gobind Singh Ji gave the Khalsa a Divine form but he was also insistent that it not lapse into asceticism. To this end the Kangha was bequeathed as a sign of worldly life. Ascetics allowed their hair(s) to become matted as worldly life did not concern them much. For the Khalsa the world is real; matted hair was to be rejected as a sign of detachment hence the comb. Worldly nuances, to an extent, were to be paid heed to. The Tre Mudra were understood to be timeless (ancient), but the Kangha and Kara were innovations of the tenth Master.’ (31) Historic texts, by default, mention both the Kangha and Kara in differing lights. Koer Singh and Bhangu both mention the Tre Mudra. In subsequent passages, however, they also mention the necessity of keeping one’s hair well kempt with the aid of a Kangha and protecting one’s wrist (the Kara) during combat. (32) A comprehensive account of the 5 Kakkars is given in Bhai Jaita’s Sri Gur Katha, a short exposition of the author’s life in the court of the tenth Guru. Verified by several eminent scholars as authentic (the syntax and structure match that of the Guru’s poets), the text has the following to say vis-a-vis the Kakkars: ‘Five portals to his threshold! Five revered in the Lord’s court! Kirpan, Karra, Kesh, Kachh, Kangha- established as the five K’s…‘ (33) The exposition of several other specific episodes, in the life of the tenth Master, also verifies the authenticity of the document. Regarding the assertion that the Singh-Sabha made the retaining of the later two Kakkars mandatory, Raj Kumar Hans states: ‘Most importantly it (Sri Gur Katha; interjection ours) becomes the first testimony, an eyewitness account, to talk unambiguously about the 5Ks… in a way textually validating the late nineteenth century Singh-Sabha assertion based on the Khalsa Sikh memories and practices.’ (34) In light of the above it can be safely summarized that whatever the contextualization of the Kakkars, and their historicity, in the past they have also been five in number and will continue to be so well into the future. Contention Two: Given the political currents of modern day Indian politics, it is no wonder that such an argument has been manifested to impugn the distinctive Sikh identity. The Kakkars, via Sikh tradition, not only act as identifiers of a Khalsa Sikh but also represent the salient features of the latter’s beliefs. What are these ideological features? Let us analyze them below: The Kesh- As we have seen previously, unshorn hair was a prerogative retained by the Kshatriya (warrior-Caste) of Hindu-dom. Bostom notes that whenever a non-Islamic community or nation was subdued and brought under the aegis of the Sharia, draconian measures were imposed upon the non-Muslims among which the wearing of long hair and the retaining of weaponry was forbidden. (35) By allowing Sikhs, of all hues and Castes, to retain unshorn hair the Sikh Gurus not only afflicted a decisive blow upon Hindu segregation but also challenged the Muslim notion of a caliphate. Dr. Trilochan Singh, an eminent twentieth century scholar, substantiates that Kesh was a symbol of the Sikh faith since the latter’s earliest days. (36) We are not duly concerned with why different Indic traditions emphasized upon the retaining of long hair, but rather why the Sikh Gurus attached a sacrosanct respect to it. It is well-known that Guru Nanak Dev Ji opposed traditional Indic thought that a worldly life was not conducive to the spiritual path. Hair, for any spiritualist, was deemed as being a sign of worldliness and hence shorn when the latter undertook to acquire salvation via asceticism. ‘A person who desires to enter upon a spiritual life, must renounce this world of social vortex, and as a gesture of this renunciation, must shave off his hair to simulate the sterility of an aged, bald, decayed man, who is no longer a link in the chain of the generative activity, which is the world. The generative impulse of the life-process is the very essence of Maya, and the foliage of hair on the head and other prominent body hair, therefore, must be coldly sacrificed, to stress the firm determination of the individual to refuse to cooperate with this generative life impulse of the creation-process.’ (37) The Kangha- It is a contradiction, of Indic spirituality, that the novice was enjoined to shear his hair whereas the master was often depicted as having long, matted hair. (38) Shaivite tradition promulgates Shiva to be the Supreme- the pontificate- Yogi and long matted hair are the leitmotiv of the God inter alia. Asceticism enjoined an acolyte to divorce oneself from worldly nuances. Matters of appearance were naturally not the first subject in an Ascetic’s mind hence the long, unkempt hair. As a sign of worldly life, it’s importance, the Khalsa was bequeathed the Kangha to keep the hair kempt. (39) Historic Rehitnamahs and other texts are insistent that the Kangha be perpetually retained on a baptized Sikh’s body and be used twice a day. (40) The Kirpan- Unless Caste is directly threatened, Hindu-dom does not sanction the utilization of force vis-a-vis the socio-political field. (41) Out of sheer necessity a Brahmin and Vaish are enjoined to arm themselves but otherwise force is the domain of the Kshatriya. (40) The Sikhs, prior to the manifestation of the Khalsa, had been utilizing the Kirpan in dual ways. It was initially a spiritual metaphor which was ultimately transferred to the physical realm under the incumbency of Guru Hargobind Sahib Ji. In an era where stringent codes regulated contact between the four Castes, the Sikh Gurus desired to meld the four divisions into a single entity. ‘The Pure Khalsa Panth is (now) manifested. An auspicious Panth, it encompasses all the four Varnas and institutions of life.’ (42) Hence members of all Castes, when initiated into the Khalsa, acquired the right to bear arms and be sovereigns Per se. A Sikh’s Kirpan was not only intended to act as a defensive aid; it was also intended to reflect the autonomy of it’s retainer in both the temporal and spiritual realms- Miri and Piri. Whereas Dr. Trilochan Singh believes the application of the Kirpan, as a symbol, to be more figurative than literal S. Kapur Singh expounds: ‘All governments and rulers, whether ancient or modern, have insisted and do insist on their right to control and curtail the right of a citizen to wear arms… a government or the State is sustained and supported by the organized might and exclusive right of possession of arms…’ (43) The Sikh state- Khalsa-Raaj- being exclusively democratic, it was well understood that the right to bear arms was the prerogative of each and every Khalsa. Only those Sikhs were allowed to retain arms who were wholly dedicated to the Khalsa ethos and who pledged to never abuse this privilege for personal aggrandizement; Khalsas par excellence. (44) S. Kapur Singh draws two inferences vis-a-vis the socio-political symbolism of the Kirpan: ‘…it is, by ancient tradition and association, a typical weapon of offence and defence (sic) and hence a fundamental right to wear, of the free man, a sovereign individual…’ (45) And, ‘… (it) is associated with open combat, governed by ethical principles, while the dagger is associated with secret attack, or sudden defence (sic) opposed to it… The second meaning of this symbol, therefore, is that the Sikh way of life is wholly governed by ethical principles… and not a slavish, conformist and self-centered social existence.’ (46) The Kara- The historic application of this Kakkar was arch-typically that of a wrist guard or secondary weapon. Underestimated by many a foe, the Kara could be utilized as a gauntlet in hand-to-hand combat whilst simultaneously protecting the wrist against the heavy talwar. Circular, in shape, the Kara is believed to represent perfectness and also the continuum of faith. (47) In Sikh Sampradas it is generally defined as the Guru’s handcuff; restraining the possessor from committing a misdeed with his hands. (48) The Kach- Upon consuming the forbidden fruit, Adam and Eve became aware of their own nudity and covered themselves in leaves. (49) Biblical interpretations aside, Sikh sophists usually interpret this event to mean that the forbidden substance illumined the mind’s of it’s consumers hence ensuring their ascension to a higher intellectual plane. After all, it is man’s high intellectualism which demarcates him from other neighboring mammals and garments represent the initial steps taken towards acknowledging this intellectual capability. (50) It is maybe for this reason that the ancient forebears of the Hindus elected to acknowledge Rama’s transformation of Hanuman. Applauding the Simian’s role in his crusade, Rama awarded him with a garment to cover his nudity hence transposing him from a base level to a civilized level. (51) The Kach was also one of the symbols of the sub-continental republicans (mentioned above) who utilized it as a symbol of their defiance against Brahmin sanctioned monarchy. In Sikh tradition the Kach represents the following: A repudiation of digamb(a)ra, a practice which enjoins one to reject all human social organization via adopting full nudity. The Khalsa, on the opposing end of the spectrum, enjoins the societal life to be divine and hence does not accommodate religious nudity. (52) A repudiation of Vedic norms as described in the Kalpa Vedanga(s). Via the latter, only that individual is worthy of performing divine sacrifice who is a twice-born and adorned in a single, untailored, unstitched garment. (53) Discarding the Dhoti, and Sari, is essentially a blasphemy against the latter tenet for any orthodox Hindu and the Sikh Gurus enjoined their acolytes to commit the latter in order to enter the Khalsa fraternity which laid no store by such superstitions. (54) On a less complex level, the sanctity attached to the Kach should act as a deterrent against rape and sexual misconduct. Sources: (1) Singh J; Percussions of History, pg. 243. (2) Singh T (Dr.); (Third Edition 2005) The Turban and the Sword of the Sikhs- Essence of Sikhism, B. Chattar Singh Jiwan Singh (Amritsar, Punjab), pg. 231-245. (3) Adi Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji, Ang. 611. Additionally see Singh J; pg. 82. (4) Singh K; (2006) Parasharprasna, Lahore Book Shop (Ludhiana, Punjab), pg. 166. (5) Bhagvad Gita, vol. iv, 13, vol. ii; pg. 441. (6) Tamney B. J. (1974); Church-State Relations in Christianity and Islam, vol. xvi, Religious Research Association Inc., pp. 10-18. (7) Sarkar J. (1912); History of Aurangzeb Based on Original Sources, M.C. Sarkar (Calcutta, India), vol. iii, pg. 248-250. (8) Brohi quoted in Malik K.S. (Retd-Brig. Pakistan Defense Force) The Quranic Way of War, Lahore/New Delhi (1979/1986), see Introduction. (9) Gustave von Granebaum, Islam: Essays in the Nature and Growth of a Cultural Tradition, Menasha, Wisconsin, (1955), pg. 130. (10) Accessed from http://www.islam-sikhism.info/hist/rebel01.htm (11) Husayn al- Quwatli, 1975, cited in David D. Grafton (2003); The Christians of Lebanon: Political Rights in Islamic Law, London/New York, pg. 4. (12) See Singh K; pg. 162. (13) See Singh J; pg. 84. (14) See Singh K; pg. 80. (15) See Singh T (Dr.); pg. 72. The author evidences the existence of Kesh, as a symbol, prior to the previous four Ks. (16) Singh P. (2003); The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib, Sikh Self-Definition and the Bhagat Bani, Oxford University Press, New Delhi (India), pg. 6. (17) The Nihung savant, and Jathedar of Hazoor Sahib, Akali Hazoora Singh believed the Sri Sarbloh Granth to be the work of Guru Gobind Singh Ji wholly. S. Kapur Singh believes it to be a post-Guru era composition cataloged by Akalis Binod Singh and Mani Singh. Scholars, on the basis of the work’s syntax, do believe some verses to be later additions. (18) Sri Sarbloh Granth Transliteration, vol. ii, pg. 495. (19) Ibid. (20) See Singh K; pg. 173. (21) Ibid, pg. 176. (22) Ibid, pg. 177. (23) Ibid, pg. 178. (24) Ibid, pg. 181. (25) Ibid, pg. 178. (26) Mann G.S. & Singh K. (2015); The Granth of Guru Gobind Singh, Oxford University Press, New Delhi (India), pg. 61. (27) Ibid, pg. 62. (28) Ibid, pg. 61. It is imperative to note here that the Five Kakkars are mentioned in many post-Guru era Sikh manuscripts and communications. Of particular note is the letter written to Raja Narain Parshad, by Narain Singh (Hazoor Sahib), which mentions the practice in full: ‘It is the edict of Sri (Guru) Gobind Singh that he, who on becoming my disciple receives the nectar of the Khanda but then does not retain the 5 kakkars, or desecrates a Sikh shrine, he will be solely answerable to Vahguru Akal Purakh. If he, being my Sikh without the Kesh but conducts himself as a Singh-Khalsa, or does not stay within my commands, he will be barred from Sachkhand and all Gurudwaras of the ten kings…’ (29) See Mann & Singh; pg. 62. (30) Oral Interview; 2017. (31) Ibid; pg. 63. Additionally see Sri Gur Panth Prakash, vol. i for Bhangu’s account of events. (32) Singh N. (2015); Bhai Jaita’s Sri Gur Katha, Singh Brothers, Amritsar, pg. 127. (33) Ibid; pg. 14. (34) Bostom G.A. (2012); Sharia Versus Freedom, The Legacy of Islamic Totalitarianism, Prometheus Books (NY), pg. 217. (35) See Singh K; pg. 63. (36) Accessed from https://www.ananda.org/ask/the-yogic-significance-of-long-hair/ (37) See Singh K; pg. 82. (38) Rehitnamahs. (39) See Singh K; pg. 199. (40) See Singh J; pg. 306-310. (41) Sri Sarbloh Granth Transliteration, vol. ii, pg. 495. (42) See Singh K; pg. 81. (43) Rehitnamahs. (44) See Singh K; pg. 81. (45) Ibid. (46) See Singh K; pg. 82-83. (47) Rehitnamahs. (48) The Bible (New International Version), Genesis, 3:7. (49) See Singh K; pg. 84. (50) The fundamental meaning of this parable has been glossed over by various Sikh orders, especially the Nirmalas, in a bid to re-write the very essentials of Sikhi. (51) See Singh K; pg. 85-86. (52) Ibid, pg. 86-87. (53) Ibid. (54) Ibid.
  11. ੴ ਸਤਗੁਰ ਪ੍ਸਾਦ। ਵਾਹਿਗੁਰੂ ਜੀ ਕਾ ਖਾਲਸਾ। ਵਾਹਿਗੁਰੂ ਜੀ ਕੀ ਫ਼ਤਿਹ। ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾਂ ! ਗੁਰੂ ਘਰ ਦੀ ਸੇਵਾ ਜਾਂ ਮਹਾਂ ਪਾਪ? ਖਾਲਸਾ ਜੀ! ਫੈਸਲਾ ਆਪਕੇ ਹਾਥ। ਕਈਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ੰਕਾ ਹੋਵੇਗੀ ਕਿ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਦੀਆਂ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਪਾਪ ਕਿਉਂ ਹਨ? ਉੱਤਰ: ਹਰ ਉਹ ਕੰਮ ਜਿਸ ਨੂੰ ਕਰਨ ਕਰਕੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਪੰਥ ਦਾ ਨੁਕਸਾਨ ਹੋਵੇ, ਉਹ ਪਾਪ ਹੈ। ਜੋ ਕੰਮ ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਰੁਧ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਵੇ ਉਹ ਮਹਾਂ ਪਾਪ ਹੈ। ਚੋਣਾਂ; ਸਿੱਖ ਪੰਥ ਨੂੰ ਕੈਂਸਰ ਵਾਂਗੂੰ ਅੰਦਰਂੋ-ਅੰਦਰ ਖਾ ਰਹੀਆਂ ਹਨ, ਧੜੇਬੰਦੀ ਬਣਾ ਕੇ ਪਾਟਕ ਪਾਉਂਦੀਆਂ ਹਨ। ਹੋਰ ਕਿਸੇ ਪੰਥ ਵਿਚ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਨਹੀਂ ਕੇਵਲ ਅਸਾਡੇ ਪੰਥ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੀ ਹਨ। ਜਿੱਥੇ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੁੰਦੀਆਂ ਉਹ ਅਸਾਡੇ ਤੋਂ ਸੁਖੀ ਵੱਸਦੇ ਹਨ। ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਅਨੁਸਾਰ ਜੀਵਨ ਜਿਉਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ। ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਤਾਂ ਆਪਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਿਲ਼ਨ ਦੀ ਸੋਭਾ ਲਿਖੀ ਗਈ ਹੈ। ਭਾਵ: ਆਪਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਿਲ਼ ਕੇ ਰਹਿਣ ਦਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਹੈ:- "ਮਿਲਬੇ ਕੀ ਮਹਿਮਾ ਬਰਨਿ ਨ ਸਾਕਉ ਨਾਨਕ ਪਰੈ ਪਰੀਲਾ॥" (ਅੰਗ:- ੪੯੮) ਲੜਬੇ ਕੀ ਮਹਿਮਾ ਤਾਂ ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਿਤੇ ਵੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਲਿਖਿਆ? ਕੀ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਿੱਖ ਆਪਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੜਦੇ ਹਨ ਜਾਂ ਮਿਲਦੇ ਹਨ, ਸੋਚਣ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ। ਕੀ ਆਪਸ ਵਿਚ ਲੜਨਾ ਅਤੇ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਲੜਾਉਣਾ ਮਹਾਂ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ? ਜੇ ਆਪਸ ਵਿਚ ਲੜਨਾ ਅਤੇ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਲੜਾਉਣਾ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਤਾਂ ਫਿਰ ਹੋਰ ਕਿਹੜਾ ਕੰਮ ਪਾਪ ਹੈ? ਅੱਜ ਸਿੱਖ ਪੰਥ ਨੂੰ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਪ੍ਰਬੰਧ ਲਈ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਦੀ ਥਾਂ ਤੇ ਸਰਬ ਸੰਮਤੀ ਕੀਤੀ ਜਾਵੇ। ਚੋਣਾਂ ਕਾਰਨ ਸਿੱਖ ਪੰਥ ਦਾ ਬਹੁਤ ਵੱਡਾ ਨੁਕਸਾਨ ਹੋ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ। ਆਪਸੀ ਵਿਰੋਧ ਵੱਧ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ, ਜਿਸ ਕਾਰਨ ਸੰਗਤ ਦੀ ਸ਼ਰਧਾ ਦਿਨੋ ਦਿਨ ਘੱਟ ਕੇ ਪੰਥ ਘਟ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ। ਦਿਲੀ ਵਿਚ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਹੋ ਚੁਕੀਆਂ ਹਨ, ਕੀ ਇਹ ਚੋਣਾ ਜਿਤਣ ਵਾਲਾ ਧੜਾ ਹੀ ਸਚੇ ਸੇਵਾਦਾਰ ਹੋਣਗੇ? ਹਾਰੇ ਹੋਏ ਧੜੇ ਦੇ ਸਿਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਜੇਤੂ ਧੜਾ ਕੀ ਵਤੀਰਾ ਕਰੇਗਾ? ਕੀ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾ ਲੜਨਾ ਗੁਰਮਤ ਅਨੁਸਾਰ ਹਨ? ਜੇਹੜੇ ਸਜਣ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਜਿਤਕੇ ਗੁਰਮਤ ਦੀ ਨਿਯਮਾਵਲੀ ਬਣਾਉਣਗੇ, ਮੈ ਉਨਾ ਸਜਨਾ ਨੂੰ ਨਿਮਰਤਾ ਸਹਿਤ ਪੁਛਦਾ ਹਾਂ : ਕੀ ਆਪਸ ਵਿਚ ਲੜਨਾ ਗੁਰਮਤ ਹੈ? ਜੇ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਸੇਵਾ ਕਰਨੀ ਹੈ ਤਾਂ ਨਿਰਲਾਲਚ ਹੋਕੇ, ਸਹਿਮਤ ਹੋਕੇ ਕਰੀਏ, ਜਿਸ ਸੇਵਾ ਨਾਲ ਪੰਥ ਵਿੱਚ ਵਾਧਾ ਹੋਵੇ। ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਸੇਵਾ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਲੜਨ ਦੀ ਕੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ? ਜੇ ਕਿਸੇ ਸਮੇਂ, ਕਿਸੇ ਕਾਰਨ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਪ੍ਰਬੰਧ ਲਈ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਜਾ ਚੁੱਕਿਆ ਹੈ ਤਾਂ ਇਸਦਾ ਇਹ ਅਰਥ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਿ ਅਸੀਂ ਆਪਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕਠੇ ਹੋਕੇ ਸਰਬ ਸੰਮਤੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰ ਸਕਦੇ। ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਜਾਂ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਮਜਬੂਰ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰ ਸਕਦੀ ਕਿ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਜ਼ਰੂਰ ਹੀ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਲੜੋ। ਸਰਬ ਸੰਮਤੀ ਕਰਨ ਨਾਲ ਤਾਂ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਪ੍ਰਸੰਨ ਹੋਵੇਗੀ, ਸੰਗਤ ਵੀ ਪ੍ਰਸੰਨ ਹੋਵੇਗੀ। ਸਰਕਾਰ ਦੀ ਖਪਾਈ ਅਤੇ ਪੈਸਾ ਬਚੇਗਾ। ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਦਿੱਤੇ ਹੁਕਮਾਂ ਉਲਟ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਾਰੇ ਕੰਮ ਕੀਤੇ ਜਾਂਦੇ ਹਨ। ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਗੁਰੂ ਕੇ ਹੁਕਮਾਂ ਵਿੱਰੁਧ ਚੱਲਣਾ ਪਾਪ ਹੈ, ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਵਿੱਚੋਂ ਕੁੱਝ ਹੇਠ ਲਿਖੇ ਹਨ:- ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੧.- ਵਿਚਾਰ ਰਹਿਤ ਹੋਣਾ: ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ ਵਿਚਾਰਵਾਨ ਬਣੋ: "ਬਿਬੇਕ ਬੁਧਿ ਸਭ ਜਗ ਮਹਿ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਬਿਚਰਿ ਬਿਚਰਿ ਰਸੁ ਪੀਜੈ।" (ਅੰਗ: ੧੩੨੫) ਪਰ, ਆਪਾਂ ਜਦੋਂ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੜਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਉਦੋਂ ਆਪਾਂ ਵਿਚਾਰ ਰਹਿਤ ਹੋ ਜਾਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਕੀ ਆਪਾਂ ਗੁਰੂ ਦਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੨.- ਆਪਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੜਨਾ- ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਹੋਇ ਇਕਤ੍ਰ ਮਿਲਹੁ ਮੇਰੇ ਭਾਈ ਦੁਬਿਧਾ ਦੂਰਿ ਕਰਹੁ ਲਿਵ ਲਾਇ॥" (ਅੰਗ:- ੧੧੮੫) ਉੱਥੇ ਤਾਂ ਇੱਕਠੇ ਹੋਣ ਦਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਹੈ, ਪਰ ਆਪਾਂ ਲੜ ਕੇ ਵੱਖਰੇ ਹੋ ਜਾਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਮੁੱਖ ਗੱਲ ਤਾਂ ਇਹ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਸਿੱਖ ਹੀ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਲੜਦੇ ਹਨ। ਕੀ ਆਪਾਂ ਗੁਰੂ ਦਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੩.- ਧੜਾ ਬਣਾਉਣਾ- ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਤਾਂ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਝੂਠੁ ਧੜੇ ਕਰਿ ਪਛੋਤਾਹਿ" (ਅੰਗ:-੩੬੬) ਆਪਾਂ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਲੜਨ ਵੇਲੇ ਧੜੇ ਬਣਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਸਤਿਗੁਰੂ ਦਾ ਧੜਾ ਧਰਮ ਦਾ ਧੜਾ ਹੈ, ਪ੍ਰਭੂ ਦਾ ਧੜਾ ਹੈ। ਆਪਾਂ ਕਿੰਨੇ ਹੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੇ ਧੜੇ ਬਣਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਸੋਚਨ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ। ਕੀ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੪.- ਲਾਲਚ ਕਰਨਾ- ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਲਾਲਚੁ ਛੋਡਹੁ ਅੰਧਿਹੋ ਲਾਲਚਿ ਦੁਖੁ ਭਾਰੀ॥" (ਅੰਗ:-੪੧੯) ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਪਾਂ ਲਾਲਚ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਭਾਂਵੇ ਉਹ ਪਦਵੀਆਂ ਦਾ ਲਾਲਚ ਹੋਵੇ ਜਾਂ ਮਾਇਆ ਦਾ। ਕੀ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਆਪਾਂ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੫.- ਵੈਰ-ਵਿਰੋਧ ਕਰਨਾ- ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਤਾਂ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਗੁਰਮੁਖਿ ਵੈਰ ਵਿਰੋਧ ਗਵਾਵੈ॥" (ਅੰਗ:- ੯੪੨) ਆਪਾਂ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿਚ ਇੱਕ ਦੂਸਰੇ ਨਾਲ ਪ੍ਰੇਮ ਵਧਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਜਾਂ ਵੈਰ ਵਧਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ? ਇਹ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਆਪ ਸੋਚਣ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ! ਕੀ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੬.- ਕਿਸੇ ਦੇ ਔਗੁਣ ਵੇਖਨੇ- ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਕਬੀਰ ਸਭ ਤੇ ਹਮ ਬੁਰੇ ਹਮ ਤਜਿ ਭਲੋ ਸਭੁ ਕੋਇ॥" (ਅੰਗ:-੧੩੬੪) ਅਤੇ "ਪਰਾਇਆ ਛਿਦ੍ਰ ਅਟਕਲੈ ਆਪਣਾ ਅਹੰਕਾਰੁ ਵਧਾਵੈ" (ਅੰਗ-੩੬੬) ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਪਾਂ ਦੂਜਿਆਂ ਦੇ ਔਗੁਣ ਵੇਖਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਲੱਭਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਨਵੇਂ ਔਗੁਣ ਕੋਲੋਂ ਹੀ ਘੜਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਕੀ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਆਪਾਂ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੭.- ਨਿੰਦਿਆ ਕਰਨੀ - ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਨਿੰਦਾ ਭਲੀ ਕਿਸੈ ਕੀ ਨਾਹੀ ਮਨਮੁਖ ਮੁਗਧ ਕਰੰਨਿ॥" (ਅੰਗ:-੭੫੫) ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਪਾਂ ਇੱਕ ਦੂਜੇ ਦੀ ਨਿੰਦਿਆ ਕਰਨ ਤੋਂ ਹਟਦੇ ਹੀ ਨਹੀਂ, ਹਰ ਸਮੇਂ ਨਿੰਦਿਆ ਕਰੀ ਜਾਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਸੋਚਣ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਆਪਾਂ ਆਪਣੇ ਗੁਰੂ ਦਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਕਿੰਨਾ ਕੁ ਮੰਨ ਰਹੇ ਹਾਂ। ਕੀ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੮.- ਹੰਕਾਰ ਕਰਣਾ- ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਦੇਸ਼ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਮੇਰੇ ਮਨ ਤਜਿ ਨਿੰਦਾ ਹਉਮੈ ਅਹੰਕਾਰ"।(ਅੰਗ ੨੯) ਆਪਾਂ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਨੂੰ ਗੁਰਮੁੱਖ ਸਮਝਦੇ ਹਾਂ 'ਤੇ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਪਾਂ ਹੰਕਾਰ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਕੀ ਆਪਾਂ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੯.- ਚੁਗਲੀ ਕਰਣੀ- ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਤਾਂ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਜਿਸੁ ਅੰਦਰਿ ਚੁਗਲੀ ਚੁਗਲੋ ਵਜੈ ਕੀਤਾ ਕਰਤਿਆ ਓਸ ਦਾ ਸਭੁ ਗਇਆ॥" (ਅੰਗ:-੩੦੮) ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਪਾਂ ਕਿੰਨੀ ਚੁਗਲੀ ਕਰਕੇ ਸਿਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਅਪਸ ਵਿਚ ਲੜਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਆਪ ਸੋਚਣ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ। ਕੀ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਆਪਾਂ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੧੦.- ਸ਼ਰਾਬ ਪੀਣੀ-ਪਿਲਾਉਣੀ- ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ਰਾਬ ਵਿਰੁੱਧ ਸਖ਼ਤ ਆਦੇਸ਼ ਹੈ, ਉੱਥੇ ਤਾਂ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਝੂਠਾ ਮਦੁ ਮੂਲਿ ਨ ਪੀਚਈ ਜੇ ਕਾ ਪਾਰਿ ਵਸਾਇ॥" (ਅੰਗ:-੫੫੪) ਆਪਾਂ ਸਾਰੇ ਜਾਣਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਵੋਟਾਂ ਲੈਣ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ਰਾਬ ਪੀਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਪਿਲਾਈ ਜਾਂਦੀ ਹੈ। ਸਾਰਿਆਂ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸੋਚਣ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਸ਼ਰਾਬ ਪਿਆ ਕੇ ਚੋਣਾ ਲੜਨੀਆਂ/ਜਿਤਣੀਆਂ ਠੀਕ ਹੈ ਜਾਂ ਗਲਤ? ਕੀ ਗੁਰੁ ਕਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਆਪਾਂ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਪਾਪ ਨੰਬਰ ੧੧.- ਝੂਠ ਬੋਲਣਾ- ਚੋਣਾਂ ਜਿੱਤਣ ਲਈ ਆਪਾਂ ਵੱਡੇ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਡੇ ਝੂਠ ਬੋਲਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਖਤ ਆਦੇਸ਼ ਹੈ, ਉਥੇ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਹੈ: "ਬੋਲਹਿ ਸਾਚੁ, ਮਿਥਿਆ ਨਹੀ ਰਾਈ॥" (ਅੰਗ:-੨੨੭) ਕੀ ਆਪਾਂ ਗੁਰੂ ਦਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾ ਕੇ ਇਹ ਪਾਪ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ? ਸੋਚੋ! ਜੇ ਆਪਾਂ, ਉਪਰੋਕਤ ਸਾਰੇ ਪਾਪ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਦੇ ਉਲਟ ਚੱਲਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਤਾਂ ਆਪਾਂ ਕੈਸੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਹਾਂ? ਸੋਚਣ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ: ਜੇ ਆਪਾਂ ਆਪਣੇ ਗੁਰੂ ਦਾ ਹੁਕਮ ਉਲਟਾਵਾਂਗੇ ਤਾਂ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਗੁਰੂ ਦੀਆਂ ਖੁਸ਼ੀਆਂ ਮਿਲਣਗੀਆਂ ਜਾਂ ਨਰਾਜ਼ਗੀ ਮਿਲੇਗੀ? ਆਪ ਸੋਚੋ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਬੇਨਤੀ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਆਪਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਿਲਕੇ, ਸਰਬ ਸੰਮਤੀ, ਕਰਕੇ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਬੰਧ ਕਰ ਲਈਏ। ਜਿਤਨਾ ਸਮਾਂ, ਸ਼ਕਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਪੈਸਾ ਆਪਾਂ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆ ਦੀਆਂ ਪਦਵੀਆਂ ਖੋਹਣ ਅਤੇ ਪਦਵੀਆਂ ਬਚਾਉਣ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਲਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਫਿਰ ਕਈ ਸਾਲ ਅਗਲੀਆਂ ਚੋਣਾ ਜਿਤਣ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਤਿਆਰੀ ਕਰਨ ਉਤੇ ਲਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਦੂਜੇ ਧੜੇ ਨੂੰ ਕਮਜ਼ੋਰ ਕਰਨ ਉਤੇ ਲਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਹਰ ਸਮੇਂ ਕਿਸੇ ਦਾ ਬੁਰਾ ਹੀ ਸੋਚਦੇ ਰਹਿੰਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਕੀ ਇਹੋ ਸਮਾਂ, ਸ਼ਕਤੀ, ਅਤੇ ਪੈਸਾ ਪੰਥ ਦੇ ਪਰਚਾਰ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਨਹੀਂ ਲਗ ਸਕਦਾ, ਆਪ ਸੋਚੋ. ਗੁਰੁ ਕੀ ਗੋਲਕ ਵਿਚ ਆਈ ਸੰਗਤ ਦੀ ਖੂਨ ਪਸੀਨੇ ਦੀ ਕਮਾਈ ਨੂੰ ਪੰਥ ਪਾੜਨ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਲੌਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਕੀ ਇਸ ਨਾਲ ਸਿਖ ਪੰਥ ਵਧਦਾ ਹੈ ਜਾਂ ਘਟਦਾ ਹੈ? ਕੀ ਸੰਗਤ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਵਿਚ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਲੜਨ ਲਈ ਮਾਇਆ ਦਿੰਦੀ ਹੈ. ਜੇ ਅਸੀਂ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਦੀ ਥਾਂ ਸਰਬ ਸੰਮਤੀ ਕਰੀਏ ਇਸ ਨਾਲ ਸਾਡੀ ਸੋਭਾ ਅਤੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਪੰਥ ਦਾ ਵੀ ਭਲਾ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ। ਸਿੱਖ ਪੰਥ ਟੁੱਟਣਂੋ ਬਚ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ ਅਤੇ ਪੰਥ ਦੀ ਚੜ੍ਹਦੀ ਕਲਾ ਹੋਵੇਗੀ। ਗੁਰੂ ਕੀਆਂ ਖੁਸ਼ੀਆਂ ਮਿਲਣਗੀਆਂ! ਜੇ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਾ ਬਚਨ ਮੰਨ ਕੇ ਇਕਠੇ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੁੰਦੇ ਤਾਂ ਅਸਾਡਾ ਜਪ, ਤਪ, ਸੇਵਾ ਕਿਤੇ ਲੇਖੇ ਵਿਚ ਨਹੀ. "ਜਪੁ ਤਪੁ ਸੰਜਮ ਹੋਰ ਕੋਈ ਨਾਹੀ. ਜਬ ਲਗੁ ਗੁਰੁ ਕਾ ਸਬਦੁ ਨ ਕਮਾਹੀ". (ਅੰਗ ੧੦੬੦) ਅਤੇ "ਹੁਕਮ ਮੰਨਿਐ ਹੋਵੈ ਪਰਵਾਣ ਤ ਖਸਮੈ ਕਾ ਮਹਲਿ ਪਾਇਸੀ". ਕੀ ਚੋਣਾ ਲੜਨੀਆਂ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਸੇਵਾ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਹਨ ਜਾਂ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਵਰਤਣ ਵਾਸਤੇ? ਕੀ ਅਸਾਡੇ ਆਗੂ, ਸੰਗਤ ਨੂੰ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਸੇਵਾ ਦੇ ਨਾਮ ਉਤੇ ਲੜਾਉਂਦੇ ਨਹੀਂ, ਉਜਾੜਦੇ, ਪਾੜਦੇ, ਨਹੀਂ? ਜ਼ਰਾ ਧਿਆਨ ਨਾਲ ਸੋਚੋ: ਜੋ ਸਜਨ ਚੋਣਾ ਜਿਤਣ ਲਈ ਐਨੇ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਨਾਲ ਆਪਣੀ ਵਡਿਆਈ ਅਤੇ ਦੂਜਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਬੁਰਿਆਈ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ, ਘਰੋ ਘਰ ਜਾਕੇ ਵੋਟਾਂ ਮੰਗਦੇ ਹਨ, ਕੀ ਇਨਾ ਸਜਨਾ ਨੇ ਕਦੀ ਸੰਗਤ ਨੂੰ ਇਨੇ ਹੀ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਨਾਲ ਗ੍ਰੀਬ ਸਿਖ ਭਰਾਵਾਂ ਦੀ ਸਹੈਤਾ ਲਈ ਘਰੋ ਘਰ ਜਾਕੇ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਿਆ? ਬਾਬੇ ਬੰਦੇ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਵੇਲੇ ਆਪਾਂ, ਆਪਸ ਵਿਚ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਨ ਹੋਣ ਕਰਕੇ ਆਪਸ ਵਿਚ ਲੜਕੇ ਰਾਜ ਗਵਾਇਆ, ਮਹਾਰਾਜਾ ਰਨਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਵੇਲੇ ਵੀ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਨ ਹੋਣ ਕਰਕੇ ਆਪਸ ਵਿਚ ਲੜਕੇ ਅਸੀਂ ਰਾਜ ਗਵਾਇਆ.ਹੁਣ ਆਪਾਂ ਕੀ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਾਂ! ਆਪਾਂ ਗਲਾਂ ਤਾਂ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਖਾਲਸਤਾਨ/ਖਾਲਸਾ ਰਾਜ ਦੀਆਂ, ਇੱਕ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਸਾਂਭ ਨਹੀਂ ਸਕਦੇ। ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰੇ ਦੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੀ ਲੜ ਪੈਂਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਆਪਾਂ ਰਾਜ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਸੰਭਾਲਾਂਗੇ? ਆਪਸੀ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਹੋਣ ਦੀ ਆਦਤ ਬਣਾਈਏ, ਖਾਲਸਾ ਰਾਜ ਆਪੇ ਬਣ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ। ਜੇ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋਵਾਂਗੇ ਤਾਂ ਬਣਿਆ ਰਾਜ ਵੀ ਚਲਾ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ। ਇਸ ਕਰਕੇ ਸਿਖ ਵੀਰੋ! ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਸੇਵਾ ਲ਼ਈ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਲੜਨ ਦੀ ਥਾਂ ਸਰਬ ਸੰਮਤੀ ਕਰੋ, ਸਹਿਮਤ ਹੋਕੇ ਗੁਰਮਤਾ ਕਰੋ. ਜੇ ਆਪਾਂ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਸੇਵਾ ਲ਼ਈ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋ ਸਕਦੇ ਤਾਂ ਆਪਾਂ ਹੋਰ ਕਿਸ ਗਲ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਹੋਵਾਂਗੇ? ਸ਼ਹਿਮਤ ਹੋਏ ਬਿਨਾ ਪੰਥ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਵਧੇਗਾ? ਵੀਚਾਰੋ! "ਹੋਇ ਇਕਤ੍ਰ ਮਿਲਹੁ ਮੇਰੇ ਭਾਈ ਦੁਬਿਧਾ ਦੂਰ ਕਰਹੁ ਲਿਵ ਲਾਇ" ਬਾਣੀ ਵਿਚਲੇ ਇਸ ਹੁਕਮ ਨੂੰ ਲਾਗੂ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਸਤੇ, ਅਸਾਡੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਵਿਚ, ਆਪਸ ਵਿਚ ਮਿਲ ਕੇ ਰਹਿਣ ਦੀ ਸਿਖਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਨਾ ਮਿਲਣੀ ਚਾਹੀਦੀ ਹੈ। ਪਰ , ਉਥੇ ਤਾਂ ਇਹ ਸਿਖਿਆ ਮਿਲਦੀ ਹੈ. "ਦੂਜੇ ਧੜੇ ਨੂੰ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਖਤਮ ਕਰਨਾ ਹੈ: ਆਪਣੇ ਧੜੇ ਨੂੰ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਕਾਬਜ਼ ਬਣਾਉਣਾ ਹੈ। ਕਿਸੇ ਦੇ ਬੰਦੇ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਤੋੜਨੇ ਹਨ? ਕਿਵੇਂ ਖਰੀਦਣੇ ਹਨ? ਮੇਰੀ ਚੌਧਰ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਬਣ ਸਕਦੀ ਹੈ?" ਕੀ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰੇ ਇਸ ਕੰਮ ਲਈ ਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਨ? ਵਿਚਾਰੋ! ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ ਵਿਰੁਧ ਜਾਕੇ ਆਪਾਂ ਪ੍ਰਫੁਲਿਤ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਹੋ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਕੀ ਆਪਾਂ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਇਸ ਗਲ ਉੱਤੇ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਹੋ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਕਿ ਅਸੀਂ ਆਪਣਾ ਪੰਥ ਵਧਾਉਣਾ ਹੈ? ਵਲੋਂ:- ਠਾਕੁਰ ਦਲੀਪ ਸਿੰਘ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pPuSkB4nlgE
  12. We have all heard of stories of a sparrow drinking a few drops of amrit from the baata on Anandpur sahib , circa. 1699 vaisakhi, and then it fought and wounded a mighty eagle ! This led to saying "Chiddiya te main baaj ladaava, tabe Gobind Singh naam kahava" And the general consensus among sikhs is that it was amrit who transformed coward donkeys to brave soldiers ! So , if amrit is so powerful , and if I take it, it should work on me as well, no ?, considering I am so coward, an emaciated stray dog could put me to a run .
  13. Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh! Daas wanted to know if Bhagti was inherited, because when pregnant mothers do lots of Bhagti while they are expecting the child usually becomes a person of higher Gurmat; however, there are some mothers who didn't do a lot of Bhagti and their children still turned out great, in terms of Gurmat. Also what can the father do to assist the child's Bhagti before the child is born, because it always seems like the mother's responsibility for Pre-Birth Simran? Also don't bring-up the issues of Mahapurukhs since many are sent by Vaheguru, and have been Pre-Mukt before they came, even Gurbani says they are exceptional. Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh!
  14. Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh! Something Daas wanted to know was how exactly did people start believing in Ram Singh as a Guru, when he himself said these statements: http://www.namdharitruth.info/history/baba-ram-singh-sikh-of-sri-guru-granth-sahib/ Also from what Daas has learned about him he was somewhat more interested in helping the path of Gurmat than to divide from it, (in fact from some Gurmukhs Daas has heard that he was some Mahapurukh who just happened to get his teachings corrupted). Many of the first Naamdharis of Ram Singh also considered Dhan Dhan Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji as Satguru, and Ram Singh even said that he was a servant to the Guru. Even giving Amrit to at least 1000000 people according to the Khalsa Panth. So why did people start believing he was the light of the Guru? Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh!
  15. Waheguru ji ka Khalsa, Waheguru ji ki Fateh having read an extract translation of this book , I am curious to read the whole either in Punjabi or Translation any ideas where I could get a pdf or hard copy?
  16. Can anyone provide contact information (Facebook, Whatsapp, Phone Number, etc...) For shastar/kirpan makers/sellers in Amritsar? Thank You.
  17. Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh! Something that Daas has always wondered while growing-up was how different Worldly Spirituality was from Gurmat, and in the beginning, Daas used to believe they were similar; however, the two are very different; though there are those similarities that we can recognize. What Daas will be going over is why Gurmat is unique and how worldly spirituality can also prove to be a different spirituality all together from what Gurmat can allow us to do. *(Note, there may be some things that Daas may not exactly have the full answer for, as worldly spirituality is extremely diverse and not united by anything). So hopefully we can fully appreciate the need for Gurmat and have full respect for Gur-prassad. First we will begin with some similarities between the two philosophies, there are a few and many of the things from worldly spirituality can assist us growing in Gurmat, (even though only one of them is truly connecting to Vaheguru completely). Some similarities is that from worldly spirituality the goal is for the individual to be able to connect to something, the really wish to connect to some outer energy which they believe is with everyone, this is similar to Gurmat as we try to connect to Vaheguru through Amrit Vela Simran. Another similarity is both paths require a certain lifestyle change in order to fully progress on a journey; for the worldly it may include some meditation, yoga, food changes, dressing a certain way, as well as limiting intake of intoxicants; for the Gurmat philosophy, we strive to change our lifestyle by doing our Nitnem, (daily prayers), simran, (chanting the Gurmantar: Vaheguru), controlling the effect of the 5 thieves, (lust, anger, greed, pride, and attachment), having some form of bana, (our 5ks), and doing what we can to build up our high qualities and give everything to Vaheguru, and Dhan Dhan Sri Guru Nanak Dev Ji. Other similarities between the 2 paths include the need for finding a spiritual leader as well as a teacher; for the worldly spiritual people this may include a whole bunch of people with different thoughts of spirituality; while for Gurmat this is Dhan Dhan Sri Guru Nanak Dev Ji-Dhan Dhan Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji. And finally the 2 groups both attempt to answer the questions of life and death; as well as the importance of what to do here and after we leave, (for the worldly spiritual leaders this is diverse; however, each of them attempt to answer it, for Gurmat the answer is too deep to explain in this topic). Now that we got the similarities we should acknowledge the differences between the 2 philosophies. In the worldly spirituality, the instructors usually require a dedication of materialistic things; (such as a lot of money, or gifts), while in Gurmat, Guru Sahib asks only for what one gives with true love and dedication; in Gurmat we give due to our love; while for worldly instructors it is more of a business, (some of these people charge at least $100-$200 per hour). Another major difference is one is in the worldly, the student having to find his way out and inside of their spiritual goals; having to go to how many people; while not knowing for sure what is true and what is not, and is stuck having to think for themselves; while in Gurmat spirituality a student can have guaranteed way of knowing what to believe from Dhan Dhan Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji, and not having to be extremely confused on the journey and can read Gurbani for themselves; (some fake leaders charge a lot for spiritual advice of asking questions, without really giving answers and giving vague responses most of the times). But the hugest difference between Worldly and Gurmat, is that in the worldly spirituality the leaders will tell you what they feel will keep you coming and giving their money; while in Gurmat philosophy; Guru Sahib will tell you what you need to hear to save you from 8.4 million lives, because the love Satguru Sahib has for anyone willing to learn from him is much greater than anyone can even imagine, and he would love to free you, even when you may not feel in love with Guru Sahib yourself. These are some differences between Gurmat and Worldly Spirituality. How Worldly Spirituality can help someone on the path of Gurmat, as a different world view? Daas personally feels that Worldly Spirituality can help people because of the importance of that many people try to follow and learn from what they heard, many Sikhs today usually only know what to do; however, usually they don't follow, (and then they get lost). Usually some worldly spiritual people are genuinely interested in learning what to know about their own ideas and always ask questions to find the answers for; we as Sikhs can learn from that because as we ask questions and get answers; our faith in Guru Sahib will increase, sometimes, we need answers to our questions; and Guru Sahib has all the answers we can ever find. Many of the worldly spiritual people wake-up early for their devotional meditations, Amrit Vela is a completely Sikh concept that has been proven as a true time for Bhagti, (this was one of the things worldly spiritual took from Gurmat philosophy, that many of our people have forgotten), it is very important to get-up early for Bhagti. The last main reason worldly spirituality can help those on Gurmat philosophy is; it makes us feel more blessed and realize just how great Guru Sahib is, because while the world is busy finding spirituality which may take an extremely long time; we were blessed with the shortcut, especially if we were born into Sikh families from Gur-prassad; that out of all the people we were chosen to get a step-up and understand truth easily, and we can say Dhan Hai Sikhi, (Great is Sikhi), and finally acknowledge we have everything sorted out for us to rush through the 8.4 million lives and achieve Mukti in this life because of Gur-prassad. Vaheguru, what we must realize is that because of our love for Guru Sahib, we may distinguish those trying to deceive us, and merge with Vaheguru. Through Gur-prassad, we are able to be given a fast-lane of Sikhi to get the ultimate spiritual benefits. While Worldly Spirituality has it's benefits, it does not equal to even a small amount of Gurmat Philosophy. Vaheguru, may we hopefully be blessed to understand just how blessed we are to know about Guru Sahib. Bhul Chuk Maaf Karni, Forgive Any Mistakes From Daas. Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh! http://gurukisikhi.weebly.com/home/gurmat-vs-worldly-spirituality
  18. Sarbat Khalsa appointed Jathedars announce to initiate anti-drug pilgrimage in Punjab By Sikh24 Editors - August 7, 2016 TARN TARAN, Punjab—As per directions of Jathedar of Sri Akal Takht Bhai Jagtar Singh Hawara, the Sarbat Khalsa appointed Jathedars have announced to initiate an anti-drug pilgrimage across Punjab to encourage the youth towards Sikhi. The pilgrimage will start from Sri Fatehgarh Sahib on August 16 and will cover almost all major towns of Punjab during a month long program scheduled to be end on September 15 at Sri Anandpur Sahib. Addressing the media at Gurdwara Sahib of Rasulpur (Tarn Taran), interim Jathedar Dhian Singh Mand said that drugs and superstitions have engulfed the sacred land of Punjab. “Youth of Punjab was diverting towards drugs and there is no scope of improvement in dirty politics of Punjab,” he told Sikh24. “Along with political parties, the SGPC is also fully responsible for the worst condition of Punjab,” Bhai Mand said. “We are carrying out this program as per directions of Jathedar Jagtar Singh Hawara who is keen to encourage youth of Punjab towards Sikhi. This month long pilgrimage for preachment of Sikhi is being started as per his directions,” he said. He added that 6 stages are scheduled to be organized during the daily program in which renowned Dhadis, Kavishars and Kirtanis will address the religious discourse to the masses. Jathedar Dhian Singh mand has appealed the Sikh institutions to extend support in this pilgrimage. Detail of the pilgrimage is as follow: August 16, 2016 – Fatehgarh Sahib August 17, 2016 – Khanna August 18, 2016 – Patiala August 19, 2016 – Sangrur August 21, 2016 – Mansa August 22, 2016 – Barnala August 23, 2016 – Bathinda August 24, 2016 – Faridkot August 26, 2016 – Mukatsar Sahib August 27, 2016 – Fazilka August 28, 2016 – Ferozepur August 29, 2016 – Moga August 30, 2016 – Jagrawan August 31, 2016 – Ludhiana September 2, 2016 – Nawanshehar September 3, 2016 – Hoshiarpur September 4, 2016 – Pathankot September 5, 2016 – Gurdaspur September 6, 2016 – Batala September 7, 2016 – Sri Amritsar Sahib September 9, 2016 – Patti September 10, 2016 – Tarn Taran September 11, 2016 – Kapurthala September 12, 2016 – Jalandhar September 13, 2016 – Mohali September 14, 2016 – Ropar September 15, 2016 – Sri Anandpur Sahib Jathedar Baljit Singh Daduwal, Bhai Mohkam Singh (President, United Akali Dal), Bhai Satnam Singh Manawa, Bhai Sikandar Singh Warana, Baba Bira Singh Kar Sewa Wale, Baba Pritpal Singh Rasulpur, Baba Sahib Singh Gujjarpura, Baba Harpal Singh Baler, Baba Sawinder Singh Chohla Sahib, Bhai Balwant Singh Gopala, Bhai Baljit Singh patti, Baba L;akhwinder Singh Jaura, Bhai Harpal Singh Warana and others were present on this occasion. https://www.sikh24.com/2016/08/07/sarbat-khalsa-appointed-jathedars-announce-to-initiate-anti-drug-pilgrimage-in-punjab/#.V7NgMffD_qA Daas honestly thinks it's the 40% of the Non-Sikhs taking Drugs in Punjab especially since 40% of Punjab is on drugs, according to the demographics.
  19. Were Sant Baba Atar Singh Ji Reru Sahibwale and Sant Baba Atar Singh Ji Mastuana the same person?
  20. The Pokemon Go App has come under fire for labelling Gurdwaras as mosques. As many people will be well aware Gurdwara is the holy place of worship for Sikhs and mosques are of course attended by Muslims. The hugely popular new reality game uses GPS and allows players to search locations in the real world to find virtual little creatures. This embarrassing error was pointed out by the team at the Sikh Press Association this week. http://m.asianimage.co.uk/news/14679250.Pokemon_Go_labels_Sikh_Gurdwara_as_mosque/ Whether or not we should even be playing this game is a different concept, (most people Daas knows play it).
  21. Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh! Daas really wanted to know why some people misinterpret Gurbani to fill their own needs? This happens a lot especially by Liberal Sikhs; which Daas sometimes notices on this website. Vaheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Vaheguru Ji Ki Fateh!
  22. Really interesting watch and great to see Nihang Singhs supporting such a good art!
  23. Are there any good Shastar makers out there who produce high quality products, at a reasonable rate, and also deliver overseas? If so, please post their details here. Thank you very much.
  24. Waheguru ji ke khalsa wahiguru ji ki fateh i understand and agree that the Akaal Bunga is the head of the Panth but could I have some quotes and itihaas to back this up thanks
  25. Importance Of Amrit Sanchar: http://gurukisikhi.weebly.com/home/importance-of-amrit-sanchar
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